Author Topic: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up  (Read 49966 times)

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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" released BECAUSE THE CIA BOMBED THE PLANE!
« Reply #40 on: August 22, 2009, 03:06:13 pm »

Buck Revell and the Lockerbie Crash

Oliver 'Buck' Revell's (Head of the FBI investigation in Lockerbie) son [it has been alleged] changing flights from 103. The numerous Governmental Embassy staff who cancelled flights or, more specifically avoided flights with Pan-am over the xmas period. The fact that McKee and Gannon who were part of a team (including Ronald Lariviere, Daniel O'Connor and William Leyrer) who were returning to the US to expose the FBI/CIA operations in the Middle East operating under the same auspices as Oliver North's arm/drugs deals in South America.

The all-too-early arrival of US intelligence teams on the scene of Lockerbie, leading to the tampering of evidence, bodies of the victims and the information and statements of the witnesses. All in the name of 'State Security' of course.

So many lies have been told, the truth may now never be found.
Daniel Pipes, Steven Emerson, Revell & the Attacks on the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR)

Accusation "... Pipes quotes former FBI official Steven Pomerantz, saying "CAIR, its leaders and its activities effectively give aid to international terrorist groups."

"Facts - Now we come to the unacknowledged source of Pipes' "facts." That source is Steven Emerson, a self-proclaimed "expert on terrorism" who also has a long history of attacks on the American Muslim community and its leadership. (Pipes was at one time Emerson's employer and is quoted in Pipes' promotional materials praising "Militant Islam Reaches America.") The Pomerantz quote comes directly from Emerson's Islamophobic playbook.

"And just how is Steven Pomerantz connected to Emerson and Pipes? John Sugg, former Senior Editor of Florida's Weekly Planet newspaper noted the following about sources characterizing American Muslim groups as allies of terrorists. Sugg wrote:

"These sources are Steven Pomerantz and Oliver 'Buck' Revell. Not noted is that Pomerantz and Revell are officers of the same institute, and that both have a close association with Emerson. They are hardly independent sources. In fact, the three spend most of their time nowadays quoting each other about what excellent terrorism experts they all are...Of course, these...people spend their time (and make money) out of portraying Arabs and Muslims as terrorists..."

[PROPAGANDIST DANIEL PIPES RESPONSE - FACT: Who cares what the source of the quote from Pomerantz is? The issue is whether this expert said this or not. Is the author of the letter denying that he said it? No--but he is certainly implying it, and trying to obfuscate the issue. The fact is that Pomerantz's quote is all over the Web, and here's another one from the spring 1998 issue of The Journal of Counterterrorism & Security International: "...CAIR is but one of a new generation of groups in the United States that hide under a veneer of 'civil rights' or 'academic' status but in fact are tethered to a platform that supports terrorism."]

Offline Dig

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Embattled Scotland defends Lockerbie bomber’s release
By Agence France-Presse Published: August 23, 2009

Scotland’s first minister on Sunday defended his government’s decision to free the Lockerbie bomber after a blistering attack from the FBI chief and insisted that US-Scottish ties would remain strong.

Robert Mueller, the director of the US Federal Bureau of Investigation, said in a strongly worded letter to the Scottish justice minister that releasing Abdelbaset Ali Mohmet al-Megrahi “gave comfort to terrorists around the world.”

Mueller said the decision to free Megrahi, who has terminal cancer, on compassionate grounds made a “mockery of justice.”

But Scotland’s First Minister Alex Salmond said he “clearly disagreed” with the FBI director.

“It is difficult for people sometimes in the United States to recognise that it is a different legal system, but it is a different legal system, it is a Scottish legal system and therefore we have to follow the tenets of Scottish justice,” Salmond told Sky News.

He also dismissed a website calling for a boycott of his nation and its products over the Megrahi case.

“Many, many things appear in the blogosphere, but what we’re talking about is the real world and in the real world the relationship between Scotland and the United States is strong and enduring,” he said.

A government spokesman said the decision to release Megrahi had been reached on the basis of Scotland’s “due process, clear evidence, and the recommendations from the parole board and prison governor.”

“Compassionate release is not part of the US justice system but it is part of Scotland’s,” the spokesman said.

The Lockerbie case strikes a personal chord for Mueller, a former prosecutor who played a major role in investigating the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over the Scottish town. The majority of the 270 victims were American.

Criticism of the decision also came from Scotland’s former first minister Jack McConnell, who said it was a “grave error of judgement.”

“The way in which the decision has been made and the decision itself have damaged the reputation of the Scottish justice system,” McConnell told the BBC.

“It’s damaged that reputation, but much more significantly it’s also damaged the reputation of Scotland internationally.”

McConnell is a member of the Labour party, whose administration preceded the current one formed by the pro-independence Scottish National Party.

The semi-autonomous Scottish government, based in Edinburgh, can take decisions independently of London on justice matters but not foreign affairs.

In its reply to Mueller’s criticism, the Scottish government said that before taking the decision, Scottish Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill “could not have consulted more widely — he spoke with the US families, the US attorney general, Secretary of State (Hillary) Clinton and many others.”

The son of Libyan leader Moamer Kadhafi, Seif al-Islam, claimed following the release that the issue of Megrahi “was always on the negotiating table” in talks with Britain over Libya’s huge reserves of oil and gas.

But Seif al-Islam’s Kadhafi Foundation, which financed Megrahi’s legal defence, played down the comments.

Its director Yussef Sawan said on Saturday the decision to free Megrahi was taken “solely on humanitarian grounds.”

“We do not think there is any way of concluding that the decision by the Scottish authorities was taken for any other reason than a humanitarian one,” he told AFP.

Britain’s Business Secretary Peter Mandelson — Prime Minister Gordon Brown’s de facto deputy — said suggestions that a deal had been struck on Megrahi were “offensive.”

The British government is under pressure to explain its role in Megrahi’s release, but it says the decision was a matter solely for Scotland.

The United States and Britain have condemned the joyous scenes when Megrahi returned to Tripoli on Thursday. Megrahi has also been shown on Libyan TV meeting and embracing Kadhafi.
All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately

Offline Dig

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Gordon Brown in new storm over freed Lockerbie bomber
The Observer, Sunday 23 August 2009

Gordon Brown with Muammar Gaddafi at the G8 summit in Italy. Photograph: Stefan Rousseau/PA

Gordon Brown faced fresh questions tonight after it emerged that he discussed with Colonel Gaddafi detailed conditions for the Lockerbie bomber's return nearly six weeks ago, while senior Labour figures warned of an economic backlash from angry Americans "costing our country dear".

Downing Street released the text of a cordial letter sent to the Libyan leader on the day that Abdulbaset al-Megrahi was released, asking that the event be kept low key because a "high-profile" ceremony would distress his victims and their families.

But critically the letter also refers to a meeting between the two leaders six weeks earlier at the G8 summit in Italy, adding that "when we met [there] I stressed that, should the Scottish executive decide that Megrahi can return to Libya, this should be a purely private family occasion" rather than a public celebration.

Previously officials have said that the two men's conversation in Italy at the beginning of July was brief and that, while the Lockerbie case was raised, Brown merely stressed the matter was one for the Scottish government to decide.

However, the new letter, addressed to "Dear Muammar" and signed off by wishing him a happy Ramadan, suggests that the decision was well enough advanced and Brown well enough briefed to set terms for a homecoming – albeit unsuccessfully. A jubilant Libyan crowd, some waving Scottish flags, greeted Megrahi at the airport.

Meanwhile, details emerged of a second letter written by the Foreign Office minister Ivan Lewis to the Scottish justice minister, Kenny MacAskill, confirming that there were no legal reasons not to let Megrahi go and concluding: "I hope on this basis you will now feel able to consider the Libyan application."

Although the Foreign Office said it was not intended to make representations either way, the leaking of the letter suggests the SNP-led administration may be starting to fight back.

Tonight the shadow foreign secretary, William Hague, redoubled calls for the government to release official records of conversations about the release, as Gaddafi increased the embarrassment by publicly thanking "my friend Brown, his government, the Queen of Britain, Elizabeth, and Prince Andrew who all contributed to encouraging the Scottish government to take this historic and courageous decision".

The scale of fury in America was laid bare in a vitriolic letter from the director of the FBI, Robert Mueller – who as a justice department lawyer led the investigation into the bombing – describing the release in a scathing letter to MacAskill as a "mockery of the rule of law" and of the victims' grief.

However, the Scottish government last night responded defiantly, insisting the US had made clear in discussions that, while it opposed Megrahi's release, it regarded freeing him on compassionate grounds because of his terminal cancer as "far preferable" to a prisoner transfer deal that would have seen him in custody.

Fears that the US could retaliate against the British government were eased when Whitehall sources disclosed that the White House had made no complaint to Downing Street, reserving its ire for the Scottish administration.

However, public anger at scenes of the convicted bomber receiving a hero's welcome has prompted demands from ordinary Americans for economic reprisals, with two websites set up to promote a boycott and angry Americans discussing on Twitter which products they should avoid, from Scotch whisky to Highland holidays.

Senior Scottish Labour figures say that MacAskill's references in his original statement last week to the compassion of Scotland's people had turned the entire country, which earns £260m a year through American tourists, into an economic target.

Iain Gray, Labour leader in Scotland, said: "Those calling for a boycott of Scotland are emboldened by [MacAskill's] foolish claim that the decision was taken in the name of the people of Scotland. In seeking to portray this as a decision supported by the whole of the country, he has damaged Scotland's reputation. It shows serious lack of judgment which has cost our country dear."

Jack McConnell, the former Labour first minister, said the decision damaged Scotland in a way "that will take years to recover" and called on MSPs to show it did not have popular support.

A spokesman for the Scotch Whisky Association said it was "monitoring" the situation, but hoped that initial anger would pass, as it has done in past protests. "We hope that people recognise that this is not necessarily the solution."

The business secretary, Lord Mandelson, left hospital today – where he was recovering from a prostate operation – insisting it was "completely wrong" and "offensive" to suggest that Megrahi's release was linked to trade deals over oil and gas.

Mandelson met Gaddafi's son during a holiday in Corfu this month, several weeks after the prime minister's meeting in Italy, and has admitted the Lockerbie issue was raised. Today he said the Libyans had had "the same response from me as they would have had from any other member of the government".

MacAskill will give a statement on Monday to the Scottish parliament, which has been recalled from recess. He is likely to face tough questioning on why the convicted bomber was not transferred to a Libyan jail.

McConnell said it was a "big if" to suggest that the convicted bomber deserved compassionate treatment but even then, allowing Megrahi "to be welcomed home in Libya as a free man should have been the last option on the list. There were other options that could have been applied if the Scottish government had the will."

However, Monday's session could also examine the political manoeuvrings around the deal, with MacAskill said to believe that he was set up by the British government's refusal to respond to his consultation.

Yesterday John Bolton, former US ambassador to the UN, also called for a congressional hearing into how the US government lobbied Britain over the issue, which could shed new light on the British response.
All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately

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Corporate Media Orchestrates Outrage over Release of Libyan Patsy al-Megrahi
Kurt Nimmo
August 23, 2009

In lemming-like fashion, so-called conservative talk radio hosts and news network anchors have predictably voiced their outrage over the decision to release Abdel Baset al-Megrahi, the Libyan patsy convicted of killing 270 people in the 1988 airline bombing over Lockerbie, Scotland.

Fox’s Greta Van Susteren called al-Megrahi a “cold-blooded mass murderer” while the washed-up neocon John Bolton placed all the blame on the Clinton administration. Bolton lamented that the United States didn’t get to prosecute al-Megrahi and give him the death penalty.

So contentious is the topic of the terminally-ill al-Megrahi’s return to Libya, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Mike Mullen, weighed in on Saturday. Mullen said he was “appalled” by the release and deemed it a “political decision.” FBI Director Robert Mueller sent a scathing letter Scotland’s Justice Secretary Kenny MacAskill saying the decision “gives comfort to terrorists” around the world. “I am outraged at your decision, blithely defended on the grounds of ‘compassion,”‘ he wrote.

BBC coverage of the release of the patsy Abdel Baset al-Megrahi

As usual, amidst all the chest-beating and hoopla, the facts in the case get conveniently sidelined. In fact, the facts did not receive a fair shake in the corporate media because the point was at the time to demonize Libya’s Muammar al-Qaddafi, not get at the truth and track down and prosecute the real terrorists behind the downing of Pan Am flight 103.

Evidence produced but ignored in the United States reveals that Libyan secret agent al-Megrahi and al-Qaddafi were not behind the bombing. It was the notorious terrorist and intelligence asset Abu Nidal.

“Former Labor MP Tam Dalyell and Edinburgh law professor Robert Black urged the Scottish and UK governments to answer reports there is evidence Abu Nidal, aka Hasan Sabri al-Banna, was a U.S. agent,” the Scotsman reported on October 27, 2008. “They have long believed Abu Nidal, who died in Iraq in 2002, and his Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine General Command were responsible for co-ordinating the bomb that blew up Pan Am flight 103 over Lockerbie on 21 December, 1988 with the loss of 270 lives.”

“Intelligence reports, said to have been drawn up for Saddam Hussein’s security services, said Kuwaitis had asked Abu Nidal, whose real name was Sabri al-Banna, to find out if al-Qaeda was present in Iraq,” David Maddox wrote for the newspaper. The reports referred to Abu Nidal’s “collusion with both the American and Kuwaiti intelligence apparatuses in co-ordination with Egyptian intelligence.”

MP Dalyell said the reports added weight to the theory that Lockerbie was a “tit-for-tat” attack for the shooting down of an Iranian passenger airliner by the warship USS Vincennes in 1988, and was allowed by the U.S. administration.

He said the claims that Abu Nidal was working for the Americans would explain some of the mysteries that surrounded the Lockerbie outrage. These included a notice that went up at the American embassy in Moscow warning diplomats not to travel on Pan Am flights, and senior South African figures being “hauled off” the plane before its final flight.

Expendable students replaced the diplomats on the doomed flight.

“If the American public had known of a link with Abu Nidal, and had known that the US government knew enough to pull VIPs off the plane and let home-going students take their place, there would have been fury at a time of transition between the presidencies of Ronald Reagan and George Bush Senior,” Dalyell and Black explained.

In May of 2000, a gag order added weight to the theory that Libya was not behind the Lockerbie bombing. Dr. Richard Fuisz, a CIA agent and a potential key trial witness, was gagged by the U.S. government under state secrecy laws and faced 10 years in prison if he revealed any information about the terrorist attack, the Sunday Herald reported. Fuisz, a multi-millionaire businessman and pharmaceutical researcher, was, according to U.S. intelligence sources, the CIA’s key operative in the Syrian capital Damascus during the 1980s where he also had business interests.

An alternative view of the facts surrounding the Lockerbie bombing.

“One month before a court order was served on him by the US government gagging him from speaking on the grounds of national security, he spoke to US congressional aide Susan Lindauer, telling her he knew the identities of the Lockerbie bombers and claiming they were not Libyan,” Neil Mackay wrote. “Fuisz’s statements to Lindauer support the claims of the two Libyan accused who are to incriminate a number of terrorist organizations, including the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, which had strong links to Syria and Iran,” in short Abu Nidal.

Nidal was either killed by the Iraqi secret police for his role as an American double agent or he committed suicide after the Iraqis learned of his betrayal, according to the Independent.

Respected Middle East expert and author of Abu Nidal: A Gun For Hire (Random House, 1992), Patrick Seale, suggests Nidal also worked for the Israeli Mossad.

In 2003, it was reported by Gordon Thomas of The American Free Press that Bill Clinton’s close friend — the billionaire fugitive from justice, Marc Rich, who had personal knowledge of the identity of the Israeli spy in the White House known as “Mega” – played a crucial role in helping the Bank of Credit and Commercial International (BCCI) arrange for Nidal to receive “hundreds of millions of dollars for illegal arms transactions in an effort to persuade its wealthy Middle East backers that the bank was staunchly pro-Arab.” This evidence was presented to the Senate Judiciary Committee in January of 2003.

A d v e r t i s e m e n t

“British weapons secretly destined for Abu Nidal were financed through BCCI offices and shipped under export documents that Marc Rich knew to be phony. My role at the bank was to handle the Nidal account. I later became a spy for the CIA and MI6,” Ghassan Quassem, who was a senior officer with BCCI for nearly two decades, said in a sworn affidavit.

None of this information was reported by the corporate media in the United States. Greta Van Susteren and the corporate media whores — for decades now in the pocket of the Pentagon and the CIA — are revisiting the propaganda they pushed in late 2001 when the patsy al-Megrahi was convicted of murder by a panel of three Scottish judges and sentenced to 27 years in prison. So busy are Van Susteren and the corporate media whipping up outrage over the fiction of Libyan terrorism, they didn’t bother to mention that the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission looked at al-Megrahi’s conviction and found he may have suffered a miscarriage of justice.

Finally, it should be noted that Libya was on the receiving end of U.S. Terrorism, not the other way around. At the foundation of the Lockerbie fiction is the claim that al-Qaddafi had Pan Am flight 103 blown of the sky as revenge for Reagan’s 1986 bombing of Triopli, allegedly in response to the bombing of a night club in West Berlin that killed one U.S. soldier. Reagan’s illegal attack on October 18, 1985, was at the time the largest air assault since the Vietnam War. 120 aircraft rained destruction on points around the cities of Tripoli and Benghazi. At least 100 civilians were killed, including al-Qaddafi’s 15-month-old adopted daughter, Hana.

Former Mossad agent Victor Ostrovsky revealed the truth behind the criminal Libyan bombing in his 2002 book, By Way of Deception: The Making of a Mossad Officer — it was orchestrated by Israel.

A special communications device, Ostrovsky claims, was planted by naval commandos deep inside Libya by the Mossad. “The device would act as a relay station for misleading transmissions made by the disinformation unit in the Mossad, called LAP, and intended to be received by American and British listening stations,” write Ostrovsky and Claire Hoy. “The listeners would have no doubt they had intercepted a genuine communication” and “the content of the messages, once deciphered, would confirm information from other intelligence sources, namely the Mossad.”

“After the bombing of Libya, our friend Qadhafi is sure to stay out of the picture for some time. Iraq and Saddam Hussein are the next target. We’re starting now to build him up as the big villain. It will take some time, but in the end, there’s no doubt it’ll work,” a Mossad agent told the author.

Ostrovsky’s revelation is another bit of history the corporate media will never tell you as it continues its dutiful service to the ruling elite to manufacture outrage against official enemies.
All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately

Offline Harconen

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Flashback: Did the Secret Team bring down Pan Am 103 to silence heroin trade whistleblower?

Roy Rowan
Time Magazine
Mon, 27 Apr 1992 16:08 UTC

Following an on-board explosion, Pan Am flight 103 crashed into the village of Lockerbie, Scotland

"For three years, I've had a feeling that if Chuck hadn't been on that plane, it wouldn't have been bombed," says Beulah McKee, 75. Her bitterness has still not subsided. But seated in the parlor of her house in Trafford, Pennsylvania, the house where her son was born 43 years ago, she struggles to speak serenely. "I know that's not what our President wants me to say," she admits.

George Bush's letter of condolence, written almost four months after the shattered remains of Pan Am Flight 103 fell on Lockerbie, Scotland, on Dec. 21, 1988, expressed the usual "my heart goes out to you" sorrow. "No action by this government can restore the loss you have suffered," he concluded. But deep inside, Mrs. McKee suspects it was a government action gone horribly awry that indirectly led to her only son's death. "I've never been satisfied at all by what the people in Washington told me," she says.

Today, as the U.S. spearheads the U.N.-sanctioned embargo against Libya for not handing over two suspects in the bombing, Mrs. McKee wonders if Chuck's background contains the secret of why this plane was targeted. If her suspicions are correct, Washington may not be telling the entire story. Major Charles Dennis McKee, called "Tiny" by his Army intelligence friends, was a burly giant and a superstar in just about every kind of commando training offered to American military personnel. He completed the rugged Airborne and Ranger schools, graduated first in his class from the Special Forces qualification course, and served with the Green Berets. In Beirut he was identified merely as a military attache assigned to the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA). But his hulking physique didn't fit such a low- profile diplomatic post. Friends there remember him as a "walking arsenal" of guns and knives. His real assignment reportedly was to work with the CIA in reconnoitering the American hostages in Lebanon and then, if feasible, to lead a daring raid that would rescue them.

McKee's thick, 37-page Army dossier contains so many blacked-out words that it's hard to glean the danger he faced. Surviving the censor's ink was his title, "Team Chief." Under "Evaluation," it was written that he "performs constantly in the highest-stress environment with clear operational judgment and demeanor . . . Especially strong in accomplishing the mission with minimal guidance and supervision . . . Continues to perform one of the most hazardous and demanding jobs in the Army."

For Beulah McKee the mystery deepened six months after Chuck's death, when she received a letter from another U.S. agent in Beirut. It was signed "John Carpenter," a name the Pentagon says it can't further identify. Although the letter claimed that Chuck's presence on the Pan Am plane was unrelated to the bombing, Carpenter's message only stirred her suspicions. "I cannot comment on Chuck's work," he wrote, "because his work lives on. God willing, in time his labors will bear fruit and you will learn the true story of his heroism and courage."

Chuck had given no clues about his work. Back home in November for Thanksgiving three weeks before he perished, he wouldn't even see his friends. "I don't want to mingle, so I don't have to answer any questions," he told his mother. "Anyway, he didn't have time," she recalls. "He stayed up till 3 every morning studying reports. And when he flew back to Beirut, all he said was, 'Don't worry, Mom. Soon I'll be out from under all this pressure.' "

Almost immediately after the Pan Am bombing, which killed the 259 people aboard the plane and 11 more on the ground, the prime suspect was Ahmed Jibril, the roly-poly boss of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (P.F.L.P.-G.C.). Two months earlier, West German police had arrested 16 members of his terrorist organization. Seized during the raids was a plastic bomb concealed in a Toshiba cassette player, similar to the one that blew up Flight 103. There was other evidence pointing to Jibril. His patron was Syria. His banker for the attack on the Pan Am plane appeared to be Iran. U.S. intelligence agents even traced a wire transfer of several million dollars to a bank account in Vienna belonging to the P.F.L.P.-G.C. Iran's motive seemed obvious enough. The previous July, the U.S.S. Vincennes had mistakenly shot down an Iranian Airbus over the Persian Gulf, killing all 298 aboard.

Suddenly, last November, the U.S. Justice Department blamed the bombing on two Libyans, Abdel Basset Ali al-Megrahi and Lamen Khalifa Fhimah. The scenario prompted President Bush to remark, "The Syrians took a bum rap on this." It also triggered an outcry from the victims' families, who claimed that pointing the finger at Libya was a political ploy designed to reward Syria for siding with the U.S. in the gulf war and to help win the release of the hostages. Even Vincent Cannistraro, former head of the CIA's investigation of the bombing, told the New York Times it was "outrageous" to pin the whole thing on Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.

A four-month investigation by Time has disclosed evidence that raises new questions about the case. Among the discoveries:

    * According to an FBI field report from Germany, the suitcase originating in Malta that supposedly contained the bomb may not have been transferred to Pan Am Flight 103 in Frankfurt, as charged in the indictment of the two Libyans. Instead, the bomb-laden bag may have been substituted in Frankfurt for an innocent piece of luggage.

    * The rogue bag may have been placed on board the plane by Jibril's group with the help of Monzer al-Kassar, a Syrian drug dealer who was cooperating with the U.S.'s Drug Enforcement Administration in a drug sting operation. Al- Kassar thus may have been playing both sides of the fence.

    * Jibril and his group may have targeted that flight because on board was an intelligence team led by Charles McKee, whose job was to find and rescue the hostages.

Investigators initially focused their efforts on examining the procedures in the baggage-loading area at Frankfurt's international airport. But risking the transfer of an unaccompanied, bomb-laden suitcase to a connecting flight did not jibe with the precautions terrorists usually take. Security officers using video cameras routinely keep watch over the area. An intricate network of computerized conveyors, the most sophisticated baggage-transfer system in the world, shunts some 60,000 suitcases a day between loading bays. Every piece of luggage is logged minute by minute from one position to the next, so its journey through the airport is carefully monitored. The bags are then X-rayed by the airline before being put aboard a plane.

But the U.S. government's charges against al-Megrahi and Fhimah don't explain how the bronze-colored Samsonite suitcase, dispatched via Air Malta, eluded Frankfurt's elaborate airport security system. Instead, the indictment zeroes in on two tiny pieces of forensic evidence - a fingernail-size fragment of green plastic from a Swiss digital timer, and a charred piece of shirt.

Even though investigators previously thought the bomb was probably detonated by a barometric trigger (considered much more reliable, especially in winter, when flights are frequently delayed and connections missed), a Swiss timer was traced to Libya. The shirt, which presumably had been wrapped around the bomb inside the suitcase, was traced to a boutique in Malta called Mary's House. The owner identified al-Megrahi as the shirt's purchaser, although he originally confused al-Megrahi with a Palestinian terrorist arrested in Sweden.

It was the computer printout produced by FAG, the German company that operates the sophisticated luggage-transfer system, that finally nailed down the indictment of the two Libyans. The printout, discovered months after the bombing, purportedly proved that their suitcase sent from Malta was logged in at Coding Station 206 shortly after 1 p.m. and then routed to Gate 44 in Terminal B, where it was put aboard the Pan Am jet. But a "priority" teletype sent from the U.S. embassy in Bonn to the FBI director in Washington on Oct. 23, 1989, reveals that despite the detailed computer records, considerable uncertainty surrounded the movement of this suitcase.

Time has obtained a copy of the five-page FBI message, which states, "This computer entry does not indicate the origin of the bag which was sent for loading on board Pan Am 103. Nor does it indicate that the bag was actually loaded on Pan Am 103. It indicates only that a bag of unknown origin was sent from Coding Station 206 at 1:07 p.m. to a position from which it was supposed to be loaded on Pan Am 103."

The FBI message further explains that a handwritten record kept by a baggage handler at Coding Station 206 was even less specific about what happened to the suitcase. "It is noted," the teletype continues, "that the handwritten duty sheet indicates only that the luggage was unloaded from Air Malta 180. There is no indication how much baggage was unloaded or where the luggage was sent." The FBI agent's report concludes, "There remains the possibility that no luggage was transferred from Air Malta 180 to Pan Am 103."

Also described in the teletype is an incident that "may provide insight into the possibilities of a rogue bag being inserted into the baggage system." On a guided tour of the baggage area in September 1989, it was disclosed, detective inspector Watson McAteer of the Scottish police and FBI special agent Lawrence G. Whitaker "observed an individual approach Coding Station 206 with a single piece of luggage, place the luggage in a luggage container, encode a destination into the computer and leave without making any notation on a duty sheet." This convinced the two investigators that a rogue suitcase could have been "sent to Pan Am 103 either before or after the unloading of Air Malta 180."

Lee Kreindler, the lead attorney for the victims' families, who are suing Pan Am for $7 billion, says he can prove that the suitcase from Malta was put aboard Flight 103. He charges that a gross security failure by Pan Am, which went bankrupt in January 1991 and later folded, contributed to the disaster.

But it was the rogue-bag theory that was pursued by Pan Am's law firm, Windels, Marx, Davies & Ives, representing the airline's insurers. To piece together their version of how the bomb was planted, Pan Am's lawyers hired Interfor, Inc., a New York City firm specializing in international intelligence and security. If it hadn't been for the government's implausible plottings revealed during the Iran-contra hearings, Interfor's findings might be dismissed as a private eye's imagination run amuck - especially considering the controversial background of the company's president, Juval Aviv.

Now 45 and an American citizen, Aviv claims to have headed the Mossad hit squad that hunted down and killed the Arab terrorists who murdered 11 Israeli athletes at the 1972 Olympics in Munich. Israeli and U.S. intelligence sources deny that Aviv was ever associated with Mossad. However, working for Pan Am, he spent more than six months tracking the terrorists who the airline now alleges are responsible for the bombing. While his report has been written off as fiction by many intelligence officials, a number of its findings appear well documented.

The central figure emerging from the Interfor investigation is a 44-year-old Syrian arms and drug trafficker, Monzer al-Kassar. His brother-in-law is Syria's intelligence chief, Ali Issa Duba, and his wife Raghda is related to Syrian President Hafez Assad.

Al-Kassar has many passports and identities. Most important, he was part of the covert network run by U.S. Lieut. Colonel Oliver North. During the Iran- contra hearings, it was revealed that al-Kassar was given $1.5 million to purchase weapons. Questioned about al-Kassar, former U.S. National Security Adviser John Poindexter said, "When you're buying arms, you often have to deal with people you might not want to go to dinner with."

It was through al-Kassar's efforts, or so he claimed, that two French hostages were released from Lebanon in 1986 in exchange for an arms shipment to Iran. The deal caught the eye of a freewheeling CIA unit code-named COREA, based in Wiesbaden, Germany. This special unit was reported to be trafficking in drugs and arms in order to gain access to terrorist groups.

For its cover overseas, COREA used various front companies: Stevens Mantra Corp., AMA Industries, Wildwood Video and Condor Television Ltd. Condor paid its bills with checks drawn on the First American Bank (account No. 2843900) in Washington, D.C., which was subsequently discovered to be a subsidiary of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International.

According to Aviv, agents in COREA's Wiesbaden headquarters allowed al- Kassar to continue running his smuggling routes to American cities in exchange for help in obtaining the release of the American hostages being held in Lebanon. At about the same time, al-Kassar's drug-smuggling enterprise was being used by the U.S.'s DEA in a sting operation. The DEA was monitoring heroin shipments from Lebanon to Detroit, Los Angeles and Houston, which have large Arab populations, in an attempt to nail the U.S. dealers.

By the fall of 1988, al-Kassar's operation had been spotted by P.F.L.P.-G.C. leader Ahmed Jibril, who had just taken on the assignment from Tehran to avenge the U.S. downing of its Airbus. A CIA undercover agent in Tripoli reported that Jibril also obtained Gaddafi's support. According to Mossad, Jibril dined with al-Kassar at a Paris restaurant and secured a reluctant promise of assistance in planting a bomb aboard an as yet unselected American transatlantic jet.

Al-Kassar's hesitancy was understandable. He wouldn't want anything to disrupt his profitable CIA-assisted drug and arms business. Presumably he was also worried because West German police had just raided the Popular Front hideouts around Dusseldorf and Frankfurt. Among those arrested: the Jordanian technical wizard and bombmaker Marwan Khreesat.

The bomb that ended up on the Pan Am jet could have been assembled by Khreesat. However, last month the Palestine Liberation Organization reported that it was built by Khaisar Haddad (a.k.a. Abu Elias), who is also a member of Jibril's Popular Front. Haddad purchased the detonator, the P.L.O. said, on the Beirut black market for more than $60,000.

The detonator, in fact, is considered one of the main keys to the bombing puzzle. Thomas Hayes, a leading forensics expert, did the main detective work on a minute piece of timer recovered from the wreckage by Scottish authorities. In a recent book about the Lockerbie investigation, On the Trail of Terror, British journalist David Leppard reports that "Hayes is not prepared to commit himself publicly on whether the bomb that blew up Pan Am 103 was originally made by Khreesat and subsequently modified by timers of the sort found in possession of the Libyans." In fact, adds Leppard, "his authoritative view is that not enough of the bomb's timing device has been recovered to make a definite judgment about whether it was a dual device containing a barometric switch and a timer, or a single trigger device, which was activated by just a timer."

James M. Shaughnessy, Pan Am's lead defense lawyer, has tried to drive a wedge into this opening left by Hayes, thereby casting further doubt on Libya's responsibility for the bombing. Britain's High Court ruled that Pan Am's lawyers could depose Hayes. However, in a last-minute legal maneuver by the Scottish authorities, the deposition was blocked for reasons of national security. Pan Am's lawyers are now appealing that decision.

But regardless of the bomb's design, al-Kassar still didn't know how and when Jibril planned to use it. A Mossad agent, according to Aviv, first tipped off U.S. and West German intelligence agents that a terrorist attack would be made on an American passenger plane departing from Frankfurt on or about Dec. 18. Al-Kassar quickly figured out that Pan Am Flight 103 was the most likely target and, playing both sides of the fence, notified the COREA unit. His warning corroborated an earlier bomb threat, involving an unspecified Pan Am flight from Frankfurt, telephoned to the U.S. embassy in Helsinki.

Precisely how a rogue bag containing the bomb eluded the Frankfurt airport security system, Aviv doesn't know. Presumably this required the help of baggage handlers there. So in January 1990 he and a former U.S. Army polygraphist flew to Frankfurt, accompanied by Shaughnessy. At the Sheraton Conference Center, adjoining the airport, the polygraphist administered lie- detector tests to Pan Am baggage handlers Kilin Caslan Tuzcu and Roland O'Neill. Pan Am had determined that they were the only ones who were in a position to switch suitcases and place the bomb-laden bag aboard Flight 103.

Tuzcu took the test three times, and O'Neill took it twice. As the polygraphist later testified before a federal grand jury in Washington, Tuzcu "was not truthful when he said he did not switch the suitcases." The polygraphist also told the grand jury, "It is my opinion that Roland O'Neill wasn't truthful when he stated he did not see the suitcase being switched, and when he stated that he did not know what was in the switched suitcase." The two men continued to claim ignorance of a baggage switch.

After flunking their lie-detector tests, both were sent on a bogus errand by Pan Am to London, where it was assumed they would be arrested. But British authorities refused to even interrogate the pair. According to Leppard, Tuzcu and O'Neill were simply "scapegoats" and were never "considered serious suspects." They returned to Frankfurt that same night.

If the bomb-laden luggage replaced an innocent bag, what happened to the displaced suitcase? On Dec. 21, 1988, the day of the bombing, one of Pan Am's Berlin-based pilots was about to head home to Seattle, Washington, for Christmas when he received orders to fly to Karachi first. He had with him two identical Samsonite suitcases full of presents. At the Berlin airport, he asked Pan Am to send them directly to Seattle. "Rush" tags, marked for Flights 637 to Frankfurt, 107 to London and 123 to Seattle, were affixed to the bags.

It so happened that the flight from Berlin to Frankfurt was delayed. While all the passengers ultimately made the connection to London, 11 suitcases, including the pilot's two bags, remained behind in Frankfurt. They were entered into the airport computer system and rerouted via the Pan Am flight. But only one of the pilot's suitcases was recovered at Lockerbie. The other had been mysteriously left behind in Frankfurt, and arrived safely in Seattle a day later. That story, which Time has corroborated, doesn't prove Pan Am's claim that terrorists used al-Kassar's drug pipeline to pull a suitcase switch in Frankfurt. But it does support the theory that a rogue bag was inserted into the automated baggage-control system, as the secret FBI report indicates was possible.

To gather further evidence that the bomb was not contained in an unaccompanied bag from Malta, Pan Am lawyer Shaughnessy recently interviewed under oath 20 officials who were in Malta on Dec. 21, 1988, including the airport security commander, the bomb-disposal engineer who inspected all the baggage, the general manager of ground operations of Air Malta, the head loader of Flight 180 and the three check-in agents. Their records showed that no unaccompanied suitcases were put aboard the flight, and some of the staff Shaughnessy interviewed are prepared to testify under oath that there was no bag that day destined for Pan Am Flight 103.

Although Shaughnessy subpoenaed the FBI, CIA, DEA and four other government agencies for all documents pertaining to both the bombing of Flight 103 and the narcotics sting operation, he has been repeatedly rebuffed by the Justice Department for reasons of national security. Even so, with the help of investigators hired after Aviv, he has managed to obtain some of the documents needed to defend Pan Am's insurers in the trial scheduled to begin April 27 at the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York. The stakes are enormous, and the incentive is high for Shaughnessy to demonstrate the government's responsibility for the bombing. In addition to defending against the compensation claims of $7 billion, he is bringing a claim against the government for failing to give warning that Pan Am had been targeted by the terrorists.

The man who has been Shaughnessy's key witness in these proceedings is hiding in fear of his life in a small town in Europe. His real name is Lester Knox Coleman III, although as a former spy for the DIA and DEA he was known as Thomas Leavy and by the code name Benjamin B. A year ago, the stockily built, bearded Coleman filed an affidavit describing the narcotics sting operation that Shaughnessy claims was infiltrated by Jibril.

It wasn't until July 1990, when Coleman spotted a newspaper picture of one of the Pan Am victims and recognized the young Lebanese as one of his drug-running informants, that he realized he might be of assistance to Pan Am. He was also looking for work. Two months earlier he had been deactivated by the DIA after being arrested by the FBI for using his DIA cover name, Thomas Leavy, on a passport application. Coleman claims that the DIA instructed him to do this. "But such trumped-up charges are frequently used to keep spooks quiet," says A. Ernest Fitzgerald, a Pentagon whistle-blower and a director of the Fund for Constitutional Government in Washington, which has been looking into Coleman's case.

Coleman spent three days in jail. His official pretrial services report, filed with the U.S. District Court of Illinois for the Northern District, began, "Although Mr. Coleman's employment history sounds quite improbable, information he gave has proven to be true."

Raised in Iran, Libya and Saudi Arabia, Coleman, now 48, was recruited by the DIA and assigned to the still classified HUMINT (Human Intelligence) MC-10 operation in the Middle East. In early 1987 he was transferred from Lebanon to Cyprus, where he began his work for the DEA. However, he says he was instructed not to inform the DEA there of his role as a DIA undercover agent. By this time even the DIA suspected that the freewheeling narcotics sting operation was getting out of hand.

In Nicosia, Coleman saw the supposedly controlled shipments of heroin, called kourah in Lebanon -- inspiration for the CIA operation's code name COREA -- grow into a torrent. The drugs were delivered by couriers who arrived on the overnight ferry from the Lebanese port of Jounieh. After receiving their travel orders from the DEA, the couriers were escorted to the Larnaca airport by the Cypriot national police and sent on their way to Frankfurt and other European transit points. The DEA testified at hearings in Washington that no "controlled deliveries" of drugs through Frankfurt were made in 1988.

Coleman's DEA front in Nicosia, called the Eurame Trading Co. Ltd., was located on the top floor of a high-rise apartment near the U.S. embassy. He says the intelligence agency paid him with unsigned Visa traveler's checks issued by B.C.C.I. in Luxembourg. Additionally, the DEA country attache in Cyprus, Michael Hurley, kept a drawer full of cash in his office at the embassy, which he parceled out to Coleman and to a parade of confidential informants, known by such nicknames as "Rambo Dreamer," "Taxi George" and "Fadi the Captain." Hurley admitted in a Justice Department affidavit that he paid Coleman $74,000 for information.

The informants, Coleman reported, were under the control of Ibrahim el-Jorr. "He was a Wild West character who wore cowboy boots and tooled around in a Chevy with expired Texas plates," he says. "I was told [by el-Jorr] that in Frankfurt airport the suitcases containing the narcotics were put on flights to the U.S. by agents or other sources working in the baggage area. From my personal observation, Germany's BKA [Bundeskriminalamt, the German federal police] was also involved, as was Her Majesty's Customs and Excise service in the United Kingdom."

After deciding to become a witness for Pan Am, Coleman phoned a friend, Hartmut Mayer, a German intelligence agent in Cyprus, and asked if he knew how the bomb got aboard Flight 103. Mayer suggested calling a "Mr. Harwick" and a "Mr. Pinsdorf," who Mayer said were running the investigation at the Frankfurt airport. "I spoke with Pinsdorf," says Coleman. "From his conversation I learned that BKA had serious concerns that the drug sting operation originating in Cyprus had caused the bomb to be placed on the Pan Am plane." Mayer and Pinsdorf gave depositions last year at the request of Pan Am. But the German Federal Ministry of the Interior ruled they couldn't discuss law-enforcement matters relating to other nations. Mayer did say he knew Coleman.

"It took three informants just to keep tabs on al-Kassar," claims Coleman. He said the informants reported that al-Kassar and the Syrian President's brother Rifaat Assad were taking over drug production in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley, under protection of the Syrian army. Coleman also says he learned that the principal European transfer point for their heroin shipments was the Frankfurt airport.

In December 1988 al-Kassar picked up some news that threatened to shut down his smuggling operation. Charles McKee's counterterrorist team in Beirut that was investigating the possible rescue of the nine American hostages had got wind of his CIA connection. The team was outraged that the COREA unit in Wiesbaden was doing business with a Syrian who had close terrorist connections and might endanger their planned rescue attempt.

Besides McKee, a key member of the team was Matthew Gannon, 34, the CIA's deputy station chief in Beirut and a rising star in the agency. After venting their anger to the CIA in Langley about al-Kassar, McKee and Gannon were further upset by headquarters' failure to respond. Its silence was surprising because Gannon's father-in-law Thomas Twetten, who now commands the CIA's worldwide spy network, was then chief of Middle East operations based in Langley. He was also Ollie North's CIA contact.

McKee and Gannon, joined by three other members of the team, decided to fly back to Virginia unannounced and expose the COREA unit's secret deal with al- Kassar. They packed $500,000 in cash provided for their rescue mission, as well as maps and photographs of the secret locations where the hostages were being held. Then the five-man team booked seats on Pan Am 103 out of London, arranging to fly there on a connecting flight from Cyprus.

McKee's mother says she is sure her son's sudden decision to fly home was not known to his superiors in Virginia. "This was the first time Chuck ever telephoned me from Beirut," she says. "I was flabbergasted. 'Meet me at the Pittsburgh airport tomorrow night,' he said. 'It's a surprise.' Always before he would wait until he was back in Virginia to call and say he was coming home."

Apparently the team's movements were being tracked by the Iranians. A story that appeared in the Arabic newspaper Al-Dustur on May 22, 1989, disclosed that the terrorists set out to kill McKee and his team because of their planned hostage-rescue attempt. The author, Ali Nuri Zadeh, reported that "an American agent known as David Love-Boy [he meant Lovejoy], who had struck bargains on weapons to the benefit of Iran," passed information to the Iranian embassy in Beirut about the team's travel plans. Reported to be a onetime State Department security officer, Lovejoy is alleged to have become a double agent with CIA connections in Libya. His CIA code name was said to be "Nutcracker."

Lawyer Shaughnessy uncovered similar evidence. His affidavit, filed with the federal district court in Brooklyn, New York, asserts that in November and December 1988 the U.S. government intercepted a series of telephone calls from Lovejoy to the Iranian charge d'affaires in Beirut advising him of the team's movements. Lovejoy's last call came on Dec. 20, allegedly informing the Iranians that the team would be on Pan Am Flight 103 the following day.

Comment: None of this is evidence that Iran was "tracking" McKee's team. It simply means that the CIA informed the Iranian end of the hostages-for-weapons scheme that McKee was about to throw a spanner in the works.

In his book, Lockerbie: The Tragedy of Flight 103, Scottish radio reporter David Johnston disclosed that British army searches of the wreckage recovered more than $500,000 cash, believed to belong to the hostage-rescue team, and what appeared to be a detailed plan of a building in Beirut, with two crosses marking the location of the hostages. The map also pinpointed the positions of sentries guarding the building and contained a description of how the building might be taken.

Johnston also described how CIA agents helicoptered into Lockerbie shortly after the crash seeking the remnants of McKee's suitcase. "Having found part of their quarry," he wrote, "the CIA had no intention of following the exacting rules of evidence employed by the Scottish police. They took the suitcase and its contents into the chopper and flew with it to an unknown destination." Several days later the empty suitcase was returned to the same spot, where Johnston reported that it was "found" by two British Transport Police officers, "who in their ignorance were quite happy to sign statements about the case's discovery."

Richard Gazarik, a reporter for the Greensburg, Pennsylvania Tribune-Review, spent many months probing the major's secret mission. He found, hidden inside the lining of McKee's wallet, which was retrieved from the Pan Am wreckage and returned to his mother, what he assumes was McKee's code name, Chuck Capone, and the gangster code names (Nelson, Dillinger, Bonnie and Clyde) of the other team members.

The theory that Jibril targeted Flight 103 in order to kill the hostage-rescue team is supported by two independent intelligence experts. M. Gene Wheaton, a retired U.S. military-intelligence officer with 17 years' duty in the Middle East, sees chilling similarities between the Lockerbie crash and the suspicious DC-8 crash in Gander, Newfoundland, which killed 248 American soldiers in 1985. Wheaton is serving as investigator for the families of the victims of that crash. "A couple of my old black ops buddies in the Pentagon believe the Pan Am bombers were gunning for McKee's hostage-rescue team," he says. "But they were told to shift the focus of their investigation because it revealed an embarrassing breakdown in security." The FBI says it investigated the theory that McKee's team was targeted and found no evidence to support it.

Victor Marchetti, former executive assistant to the CIA's deputy director and co-author of The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, believes that the presence of the team on Flight 103 is a clue that should not be ignored. His contacts at Langley agree. "It's like the loose thread of a sweater," he says. "Pull on it, and the whole thing may unravel." In any case, Marchetti believes the bombing of Flight 103 could have been avoided. "The Mossad knew about it and didn't give proper warning," he says. "The CIA knew about it and screwed up."

The CIA may still be trying to find out more information about why McKee and Gannon suddenly decided to fly home. Last year three CIA agents, reportedly following up on their hostage-rescue mission, were shot dead in a Berlin hotel while waiting to meet a Palestinian informant.

Beulah McKee has given up trying to find out if Pan Am's bombers were after her son, although she says, "The government's secrecy can't close off my mind." Twice she called and questioned Gannon's widow Susan, who like her husband and her father Tom Twetten worked for the CIA. "The last time, I was accused of opening my mouth too much," says Mrs. McKee.

Yet memories die hard, and mothers never quite get accustomed to losing a child. Beulah McKee keeps her son's bedroom all tidied up, as if she still expected him to come home. His pictures, diplomas, miltary awards, even his chrome-plated bowie knife, decorate the walls. In a cardboard carton under the made-up bed are the heavily censored service records of her son, which may contain the secret of why Pan Am 103 was blown out of the sky over Scotland.

Comment: While the official story remains that Ghaddafi had two of his men blow up Pan Am 103, the above described cover story revolves around Iran arranging the bombing to protect the on-going hostages-for-weapons scheme and/or to avenge the "accidental" downing of an Iranian Airbus the previous year, much of the information for which was uncovered/supplied by a former Mossad agent (allegedly the "hero" of the Munich Olympic Games slaughter).

Hmmm. It seems obvious that the primary motive for the Lockerbie bombing was to silence the DIA agent and his team. His efforts to rescue American hostages in Beirut ran counter to the cover they provided for supplying the Iranian regime with weapons to be used in its war with Iraq (which was also receiving US weapons). To McKee's superiors in the Secret Team, the hostages were politically and financially useful bargain chips. The article paints the American heroin trade running from Lebanon through Cyprus and Frankfurt as a DEA "sting-operation" that just kept going wrong, even as the boss of that team of "informants" was dishing out tens of thousands of dollars and the flow of heroin into the US became a "torrent." What seems to have happened is that McKee discovered that his efforts to free hostages were thwarted by 'higher objective' considerations involving drugs and weapons smuggling. Realising that the heroin trade through Cyprus was an entirely CIA/DEA operation, he returned to the US on Pan Am flight 103 to raise hell with his superiors, some of whom would surely have known there were at least two operations at cross-purposes in the region.

What remains unexplained is why an agent with his background and experience would telephone his mother from Beirut in advance, surely alerting someone to his intentions. But perhaps, given that he was not an insider to the heroin scheme, he was a spook who genuinely and naively believed that intelligence agencies exist to "defend the national interest." This naivety is further compunded by the fact that he chose to returne from Beirut to the US by the Heroin Road, via Cyprus and Frankfurt. But then again, perhaps there's more to this puzzle than we know?

A key point in the cover-up is the arrival on the scene of Juval Aviv, the 'former' Mossad agent famed for his role in the Munich Olympics slaughter. By inserting itself into the Pan Am trial, much as it did with the later Lockerbie trial in The Hague, the Mossad proceeded to direct the cover-up away from its own involvement in the heroin-weapons scheme (which can be deducted from the fact that it knew the bombing was to take place) towards blaming Iran and/or Libya and/or Syria and/or Palestinian terrorists, depending on the political expediency circumstances require.
Resist. Rebel. Cry out to all peoples and nations from the sky as the lightening flashes from the east to the west and judge the living and the dead.Or choose submission and slavery.

The light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not.  (John 1:5)


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"LONDON, Aug 24 — Once again, the name of Nat Rothschild has emerged at the centre of web of intrigue, with questions over his links to Libya, his friendship with Peter Mandelson and his alleged role in the release of the Lockerbie bomber.

Offline Harconen

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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" released BECAUSE THE CIA BOMBED THE PLANE!
« Reply #46 on: August 26, 2009, 05:20:12 pm »
Lockerbie Doubts

Lisa Pease
Fri, 21 Aug 2009 18:01 UTC

An innocent man returns home: Abdelbaset al-Megrahi, top left, is greeted by Seif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of the Libyan leader, on arrival in Tripoli, after being released by the British government following 20 years in prison.

In any kind of major transnational event, there is the historical truth, what actually happened, and the political truth, what must have happened for the nations involved to continue on as before.

Sometimes, these accounts match; other times, these "truths" are wildly divergent, which appears to be the case with the Lockerbie bombing.

On Thursday, Abdel Baset al-Megrahi, the former Libyan intelligence officer convicted of planting a bomb aboard Pan Am Flight 103 which exploded over the hills over Lockerbie, Scotland, on Dec. 21, 1988, was released. The Scottish authorities said they were letting al-Megrahi go free on "compassionate grounds" because he was terminally ill from cancer.

This decision caused an uproar in the United States. Obama administration officials lodged angry protests; family members of the victims decried the move, and TV pundits joined in the lamentations. But what do they really know about the Lockerbie bombing, beyond what they've read in the last few days?

The truth about what happened at Lockerbie appears quite a bit more complex than the cookie-cutter version presented by the mainstream media. Several longtime observers of the al-Megrahi case have concluded that it has always been weak, at best.

According to British journalist Hugh Miles in a 2007 article for London Review of Books, many "lawyers, politicians, diplomats and relatives of Lockerbie victims now believe that the former Libyan intelligence officer is innocent."

Miles quoted Robert Black QC, an Edinburgh University professor emeritus of Scottish law, as saying, "No reasonable tribunal, on the evidence heard at the original trial, should or could have convicted him and it is an absolute disgrace and outrage what the Scottish court did."

Al-Megrahi was tried along with fellow Libyan intelligence officer Al Amin Khalifa Fhimah. With distraught relatives of victims filling the courtroom, the Scottish judges understandably feared the reaction to two not guilty verdicts. Instead, the judges acquitted Fhimah and found al-Megrahi guilty.

A U.N. observer to the trial, Austrian philosophy Professor Hans Koschler, noted, "You cannot come out with a verdict of guilty for one and innocent for the other when they were both being tried with the same evidence."

The only important piece of evidence that differentiated al-Megrahi from Fhimah was the dubious identification of al-Megrahi by a storekeeper in Malta who fingered the Libyan as the buyer of clothing found in the bomb suitcase.

But this storekeeper had earlier identified several other people, including one who was a CIA agent.When he finally identified al-Megrahi from a photo, it was after al-Megrahi's photo had been in the world news for years.

There also were major discrepancies between the shopkeeper's original description of the clothes-buyer and al-Megrahi's actual appearance. The shopkeeper told police that the customer was "six feet or more in height" and "was about 50 years of age." Al-Megrahi was 5'8" tall and was 36 in 1988.

The Scottish judges acknowledged that the initial description "would not in a number of respects fit the first accused [al-Megrahi]" and that "it has to be accepted that there was a substantial discrepancy." Nevertheless, the judges accepted the identification as accurate.

Other Scenarios

As the Scottish judges pieced together their curious rationale for a guilty verdict, they also were rejecting earlier scenarios for the bombing.

For instance, Scottish radio reporter David Johnston devoted a chapter of his book Lockerbie: The Tragedy of Flight 103 to the prevalent theory in the months following the attack, that the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command (PFLP-GC) was responsible.

Scottish journalist Magnus Linklater, in an article for the London Timesonline on Aug. 13, noted that this was hardly a wild conspiracy theory at the time:

"It is sometimes forgotten just how powerful the evidence was, in the first few months after Lockerbie, that pointed towards the involvement of the Palestinian-Syrian terror group the PFLP-GC, backed by Iran and linked closely to terror groups in Europe. At The Scotsman newspaper, which I edited then, we were strongly briefed by police and ministers to concentrate on this link, with revenge for an American rocket attack on an Iranian airliner as the motive."

Indeed, the Sunday Times of London reported in its front-page headline of March 26, 1989, "Pan Am Bombers Identified." The article stated that anonymous intelligence sources knew who was behind the bombing: "the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command, led by Ahmed Jibril, a Damascus-based PLO renegade who opposes Yasser Arafat's current peace drive."

The paper claimed that PLO sources had told it the group had received $10 million to bring down the plane in retaliation for the downing of an Iranian civilian airline by the American cruiser Vincennes the summer before.

(The U.S. claimed the Vincennes thought it was being attacked, and fired in self-defense, a claim which had no basis in reality, despite having been voiced by President Ronald Reagan and Vice President and former CIA director George H.W. Bush. President Reagan refused to apologize to Iran for this tragic mistake.)

The Observer reported that, after the shootdown of the Iranian plane, the Iranian chargé d'affaires in Beirut invited Ahmed Jibril and other terrorists to a meeting attended by representatives of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard, where plans were made to bring down a plane with a bomb.

The final meeting purportedly took place at the Carlton Hotel in Beirut just days before the Lockerbie incident.

On Dec. 24, 1989, the Sunday Times reported that white plastic residue found at the Lockerbie crash site matched material in alarm clocks purchased from a couple of Jibril's PFLP-GC associates just before their arrest in West Germany in October 1988, just two months before the Lockerbie bombing.

As Bill Blum's report, recently republished at, noted,the Iranian-PFLP-GC conspiracy "was the Original Official Version, delivered with Olympian rectitude by the U.S. government - guaranteed, sworn to, scout's honor, case closed - until the Gulf War came along in 1990 and the support of Iran and Syria were needed."

Political Truth

Enter the political truth. With Iran and Syria no longer available as sponsors, given the new political reality, Libya became the new enemy. Never mind that the evidence was nearly nonexistent.

In a BBC report from 2002, U.N. trial observer Koschler stated it appeared to him the U.S. and UK authorities exerted undue influence over al-Megrahi's trial. Why would U.S. and UK authorities try to influence the court? Beyond their roles as advocates for the victims, what did they have to gain or to hide?

Authors John Ashton and Ian Ferguson, who together wrote Cover-up of Convenience: The Hidden Scandal of Lockerbie, point out that more than just bodies were found in the wreckage of Flight 103.

Along with the 270 dead were approximately $500,000 in American bills and an envelope marked with $547,000, carrying travelers checks. But according to a few key witnesses, something else was found. Drugs. Heroin, to be exact. Additionally, locals were perturbed by the immediate presence of large numbers of Americans who showed up in Lockerbie within a couple of hours of the downing of the plane.

When the CIA agents arrived on the scene, they were looking for highly confidential papers that should have been found on the body of the pilot, Captain James McQuarrie, No such papers were found. They also sought something of great importance, but would not specify what it was. They told the Scottish officials they'd know it when they found it.

Among the victims was a man alleged to have been planning a rescue operation for the American hostages then being held in Beirut, U.S. Army Major Charles McKee, a Defense Intelligence Agency employee who had been assigned temporarily to the CIA.

McKee had been accompanied by four others that were later identified as CIA men: Matthew Gannon, the CIA's Beirut Deputy Station Chief; Ronald Larivier, Daniel O'Connor, and Bill Leyrer. Was the presence of these men on the flight significant in any way? Were they targets? One investigator believed that was a possibility.

Drug Scandal

Pan Am's attorney James Shaughnessy hired Juval Aviv, president of a private intelligence firm named Interfor and a former Mossad member, to conduct an investigation into the bombing. Pan Am was facing a civil suit from families of victims regarding lax security policies. The more they knew about the bombing, the better Pan Am could determine whether to contest the suit or settle.

Aviv's report, commonly called the Intefor Report, contains several claims, which, if true, are remarkable. It's hard to know how much credibility to give the report, although Aviv's firm had done business with the IRS and other government agencies, and had even been hired by the Secret Service to investigate potential threats against President Reagan.

The Interfor Report claims that one or more baggage handlers at Pan Am's facilities in Frankfurt serviced the drug trade, swapping out innocent baggage for drug-laden baggage. The Report also claims that a CIA team (referred to as CIA-1 in the Report) had learned about this drug operation and was using their knowledge of it to extract concessions from those holding the hostages in Beirut.

The report claims that the McKee-led team of CIA people - in Beirut to plan a hostage rescue operation - learned of this drug smuggling operation and the role of some CIA people in it. According to the report, "The [McKee] team was outraged, believing that its rescue and their lives would be endangered by the double dealing."

The report said, "By mid-December the team became frustrated and angry and made plans to return to the U.S. with their photos and evidence to inform the government, and to publicize their findings if the government covered it up. They did not seek permission to return, which is against the rules. The return was unannounced. ... Sources report eight CIA team members on that flight, but we only have identified the five names reported herein."

According to the report, an undercover Mossad agent tipped off the German Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) 24 hours in advance that a bomb was to be placed on Pan Am Flight 103. BKA, said the report, passed that information to CIA-1, which reported that information to its control, but received no guidance one way or another back.

The Interfor Report alleges that a Turkish baggage handler stashed a suitcase in the employee locker area, as was his usual practice with drug shipments.
During the loading of bags, a BKA agent noticed a bag that looked different than the usual drug bags. Since he was on alert for a potential bomb, he notified CIA-1, which again passed that information to its control.

The report said "Control replied: don't worry about it, don't stop it, let it go."
The report said CIA-1 gave no instructions to BKA, and BKA did nothing to stop the bag.

In one of its most startling allegations, the report said, "The BKA was then covertly videotaping that area on that day. A videotape was made. It shows the perpetrator in the act. It was held by BKA. A copy was made and given to CIA-1. The BKA tape has been 'lost.' However, the copy exists at CIA-1 control in the U.S."

Aviv encouraged Pan Am to obtain a copy of that tape, warning that the CIA would deny its existence, and that Pan Am would need to be persistent.

Press Attention

This story took on new dimensions in 1990, when both ABC and NBC did their own report on a drug ring link to the bombing. Both chose, however, to focus on a DEA operation, and the CIA was never mentioned by either network.

NBC named Khalid Jaafar, the only Arab on Flight 103, as the unwitting courier whose bag got swapped for the bomb. The Interfor Report had named the same person.

According to Cover-up of Convenience authors Ashton and Ferguson, on Oct. 30, 1990, NBC reported:

"NBC news has learned that Pan Am flights from Frankfurt, including [Flight] 103, had been used a number of times by the DEA as part of its undercover operations to fly information and suitcases of heroin into Detroit as part of a sting operation to catch dealers in Detroit. The undercover operation, code-named Operation Courier, was set up three years ago by the DEA in Cyprus to infiltrate Lebanese heroin groups in the Middle East and their connections in Detroit ...

"nformants would put suitcases on the Pan Am flights, apparently without the usual security checks, according to one airline source, through an arrangement between the DEA and German authorities. Law enforcement officials say the fear now is that the terrorists that blew up Pan Am 103 somehow learned about what the DEA was doing, infiltrated the undercover operation and substituted the bomb for the heroin in one of the DEA shipments" so the bomb would sail through the security loophole, undetected.

ABC produced a similar report the next day, and also claimed that Khalid Jaafar was one of the drug couriers.

The DEA investigated itself in the wake of these stories, and declared itself clean to a House subcommittee. The DEA claimed only three drug operations had been run through Frankfurt, and none in December of 1988 when the bombing took place.

In 1992, long after the DEA's denials, a new report supporting the Interfor Report surfaced, in Time magazine of all places, supporting some of the report's core allegations.

The article, by Roy Rowan,,9171,975399-1,00.html stated that Ahmed Jibril used a Middle Eastern heroin traffic operation to get the bomb on the plane, and that McKee was heading back to Washington to expose the CIA unit's operations with the drug dealers.

So is this the true history of what happened at Lockerbie? I don't know.

The direction of the case shifted dramatically in the fall of 1990 as President George H.W. Bush was scrambling to assemble a coalition to drive Iraqi troops out of Kuwait. The Bush administration was in need of Iranian and Syrian help, too, in freeing U.S. hostages then held by Islamic militant groups in Lebanon.

Also in 1990, spin-off investigations from the Iran-Contra scandal were underway with Iranian officials possessing possible information that could have incriminated President Bush as he was looking toward a tough reelection battle in 1992. In short, the Iranians held a number of cards that would have made them inconvenient targets of the Pan Am investigation.

However, the Libyans were opposing Bush's Persian Gulf intervention and had long ranked near the top of the list of America's favorite enemies.Laying the blame on the Libyans let a lot of influential people off the hook.

While I don't know if the alternative theories of the Pan Am 103 bombing are true, what I do know is that there is a lot more support for some of them than there ever was for the conviction of the unfortunate and now cancer-ridden al-Megrahi, whose release on Thursday was widely condemned by U.S. officials and media figures with almost no reference to the lingering doubts about his conviction beyond brief mentions that he continues to assert his innocence.

How did we get so far off track on this story? In part, by not having a truly independent media to investigate and report on the truth behind this case.

Lisa Pease is a historian and writer who specializes in the mysteries of the John F. Kennedy era.

Comment:  Did the Secret Team bring down Pan Am 103 to silence heroin trade whistleblower?

Ex-Mossad agent hopes to get rich blaming Iran for Lockerbie

Rothschild, Mandelson, BP, Deripaska, Tied To Lockerbie Deal
Resist. Rebel. Cry out to all peoples and nations from the sky as the lightening flashes from the east to the west and judge the living and the dead.Or choose submission and slavery.

The light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not.  (John 1:5)

Offline Dig

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"LONDON, Aug 24 — Once again, the name of Nat Rothschild has emerged at the centre of web of intrigue, with questions over his links to Libya, his friendship with Peter Mandelson and his alleged role in the release of the Lockerbie bomber.

Power-broker Nat Rothschild at the centre of a web of international intrigue
Independent, August 24th, 2009

Once again, the name of Nat Rothschild has emerged at the centre of web of intrigue, with questions over his links to Libya, his friendship with Peter Mandelson and his alleged role in the release of the Lockerbie bomber.

Indeed, his name seems to be linked with almost every influential, rich and powerful person on the globe, from billionaires to presidents and royalty. But it wasn’t always like that. For years Nat Rothschild appeared destined to be yet another scion of the rich and famous who had it all and blew it all – mainly through partying.

At some point in the mid-1990s he underwent an almost Damascene conversion into a responsible financier, who managed to channel his gambling instincts into money-making investments for a hedge fund.

As his skills in handling investments helped turn the Atticus hedge fund into a multibillion pound concern, so his personal stock rose – in the 13 years he has been with Atticus he has built up his own multimillion pound fortune, quite apart from the £500m he is expected to inherit one day from his father, Jacob, the fourth Baron Rothschild. He has also become an increasingly influential figure not just in the world of finance but in political circles.

Influence is something deeply familiar to the Rothschilds, whose banking concerns have been a force in Europe for two centuries, but for the member of the Bullingdon Club who once rolled an occupied portable loo down a slope, it seemed an unlikely future. Instead of partying with models and socialites, these days he is more likely to be found hob-nobbing with some of the world’s richest and most powerful people.

His sphere of influence, it has been revealed, now extends even into Libya, which during the 1980s and 1990s was reviled as a terrorist state. Seif Gaddafi, President Muammar Gaddafi’s son, was the guest of honour at a party held by the financier in New York in 2008 and this year he allowed his home in Corfu to be the venue for a meeting between the Libyan and Lord Mandelson.

The meeting took place earlier this month, just a week before it emerged that the Scottish executive was considering the release from prison of the Lockerbie bomber Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi. Lord Mandelson has accepted that Megrahi came up in the discussions but he strongly denied any suggestion he interfered in the decision to release the prisoner.

Nat Rothschild’s interests are further thought to overlap with those of Seif Gaddafi in Montenegro, where he has been linked to investments in the £500m Porto Montenegro project, which is intended to give the country a leading marina. Gaddafi is thought to be keen, signing up to a range of deals in Montenegro to benefit Libya.

Prior to winning friends in Tripoli, the former wild child had built up enviable contacts and deals with Russian oligarchs. Roman Abramovich, the billionaire owner of Chelsea Football Club, is reported to be one of Rothschild’s closest friends and he has been appointed as an adviser to Oleg Deripaska, the owner of Rusal, which became the biggest aluminium company in the world as part of a merger deal with two other companies that Rothschild helped to put together.

Deripaska, described as Russia’s richest man and the Kremlin’s favourite oligarch, had a fortune estimated at more than £16bn in 2007 and is believed to be close to Vladimir Putin, the Russian prime minister. It was Deripaska whom George Osborne, the Conservative front-bencher, was said to have spoken to about a £50,000 donation to the Tory party. The MP admitted he discussed a donation but denied asking for or receiving any money.

The row blew up when Mr Rothschild accused Mr Osborne of approaching the oligarch for a donation. He is thought to have been prompted by a breach of etiquette on the MP’s part by leaking the story of Lord Mandelson meeting the oligarch on a yacht – the two politicians were Rothschild’s guests. The row soured a friendship between the MP and the financier which dated back to contemporary membership of the Bullingdon Club.

Mr Rothschild’s success in recent years has come as a surprise to many who knew him in his wilder days. Peter Munk, the founder and chairman of Barrick Gold, the world’s largest gold producer, recalled meeting the future fifth Baron Rothschild in the lobby of a London hotel in 2001.

The financier was hoping to persuade Mr Munk to invest in Atticus but failed to impress at first hearing. “He did not carry the halo of being the future of the family. I wanted to get rid of the boy,” said the gold producer who now has him on his own advisory board.

It is thought that as a young man Nat Rothschild was intimidated by the prospect of having to live up to the achievements of his father and ancestors. Now, he is seen as a man who may well set new high standards for his family. Mr Munk added: “This kid is special. It’s back to when they [the Rothschilds] were ruling the world.”

“He is one of the few sons of great men who has enhanced the family stature and created his own wealth,” said Charles Phillips, who supervised him when he worked at the investment firm Gleacher & Co.
All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately

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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #48 on: August 27, 2009, 08:24:05 am »
Monday, August 17, 2009

On 17 August 2009, The Financial Times reported that, a week before the announcement that Megrahi could be released from prison, Lord Mandelson met Gaddafi’s son at a Rothschild villa in Corfu.

According to Lord Mandelson’s spokesman, Mandelson and Seif Gaddafi did discuss al-Megrahi.

In 2003, Muammer Gaddafi helped deliver the Lockerbie bombing suspects for trial.

Libya is a large oil producer, and has attracted British oil companies.

"Libya is...very much back in the mainstream of international affairs," the British ambassador to Libya, Sir Vincent Fean, said recently.
Tony Blair's friend Lord Mandelson with Nat Rothschild.

On 16 August 2009, The Sunday Herald (Lockerbie: after the conspiricies ... the cover up?), reminds us that in June 2007, Tony Blair did a "deal in the desert" with Gaddafi on judicial co-operation between the UK and Libya. This deal covered "prisoner transfer".

Blair's visit coincided with BP signing a £450 million oil contract with Libya.

On 11 August 2009, an anonymous email was sent to an Member of the Scottish Parliament. (the cover up?)

The email appeared to come from inside Scotland's justice department.

The email suggested that senior officials were trying to kill Megrahi's appeal.

Hans Kochler, the UN observer at the Lockerbie trial, suspects Megrahi may have been subjected to "morally outrageous" blackmail to abandon his case.

Reportedly, a Scottish government source admits that the Lockerbie trial may have been slipshod, and even included faked evidence. (the cover up?)

But, the source claimed the trial convicted the right man. (LOL)
All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately

Offline oyashango

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Rothschild Connection to Lockerbie bomber
« Reply #49 on: August 28, 2009, 11:16:54 am »
Rothschild Connection to Megrahi Release


Source: BBC

Now that the dust has settled, only somewhat and perhaps only for now, over the return of the Lockerbie bomber, we can see some things with a little more clarity -- but much remains murky in the extreme.

For a start, despite the speculation, nobody has produced clinching evidence to show the British government did a backstairs' deal with Colonel Gaddafi for the bomber's return. On the other hand, it is now quite clear that London was anxious to normalise relations with Tripoli as quickly and as best it could -- and that Gaddafi had made it clear that could not happen unless the bomber was sent back.

As a result, attention has moved away from the Scottish government's decision to free the bomber on controversial "compassionate" grounds to London and the role the British government might have played in facilitating the Lockerbie bomber's release. And here we enter very murky waters indeed.

Official and unofficial British government contacts with Libya have been extensive. Last night we learned that three government ministers have made trips to Tripoli in the last 15 months: the then trade minister Digby Jones (May 2008), Health minister Dawn Primarolo (November 2008) and Foreign Office minister Bill Rammell (February 2009).

We do not know what was said in any of these Tripoli talks. But remember this: Saif Gaddifi, the Libyan dictator's favourite son and a key figure in the bomber's release, has averred that "in all commercial contracts for oil and gas with Britain, Megrahi [the now-released bomber] was always on the table." So it's reasonable to assume the ministers had their ears bent.

But not them alone. In recent years two British prime ministers, a Russian oligarch, the scion of a European banking dynasty, a Prince of the Realm, a leader of Big Oil and our very own "Prince of Darkness" (aka Business Secretary Peter Mandelson) have all had walk-on parts, if not more, in events that preceded the release of the Lockerbie bomber. It's a cast of characters that would do justice to a Bond film.

At the centre of this possible web of intrigue is Saif, the shaven-headed, London School of Economics-educated son of the Libyan dictator. Turns out he is a good friend of Oleg Deripaska, the Russian aluminium baron, and Nat Rothschild, of the eponymous banking dynasty.

Saif invited both to his 37th birthday party in June in Becici in Montenegro, into which Deripaska and Rothschild have poured around $1 billion to create a sort of St Tropez in the Balkans. Saif is also pumping Libyan money into Montenegro from his country's vast investment fund, reason enough for Rothschild last year to host a party in his honour in New York.

What's all this got to do with the Lockerbie bomber? Well consider this. Peter Mandelson's love of holidaying with the rich and famous in exotic places took him to Corfu this month for the second year in a row. Last August he visited Rothschild in his $60m Corfu estate and stayed on Deripaska's luxury yacht. This August he stayed at the Rothschild villa - and met Saif Gaddafi.

Mandelson claims the meeting was only "fleeting" but officials admit they did discuss the Lockerbie case. A week later it became public that the bomber might be released on "compassionate" grounds though, of course, there may be no connection. It was then revealed that Mandelson had previously met Saif at a reception in London in May.

The Business Secretary maintains that any suggestion that a deal was being cooked up is not just wrong but "offensive", which we should accept at face value until facts suggest otherwise.

But we have it from Saif's own mouth that there could be no real progress in British-Libyan business co-operation unless the matter of the Lockerbie bomber was dealt with.

So in all London's extensive discussions with Libya, did the British government never discuss what might be done?

Discussions, after all, have been going on at the highest level for at least five years.

In 2004 Prime Minister Tony Blair flew to a tent outside Tripoli to do his so-called "deal in the desert" with Colonel Gaddafi which led to a broad rapprochement with Libya, a significant part of which was a prisoner transfer agreement which Gaddafi always saw as a means of bringing back his bomber.

At the time, powerful voices in Scotland said the Lockerbie bomber should be excluded from this agreement since there was only one Libyan in a Scottish jail. But London insisted it cover Scotland too. The schmoozing of Libya has continued under Gordon Brown, who met with the Libyan dictator during the recent G8 summit in Italy.

Business contacts have increased the Blair visit: Lord (John) Browne, then boss of BP and a key Blair confidant, had numerous meetings with Colonel Gaddafi which culminated in a $1 billion oil deal in 2007. But the really big deals still eluded Britain, the BP deal progressed slowly and the Libyans were growing angry that their bomber remained in captivity.

By now Tripoli had made it clear repeatedly, at a number of influential levels, that they wanted Megrahi back.

As part of the British charm offensive Prince Andrew, the Queen's second son who acts as Britain's special trade representative, has visited Libya three times in the past year (as well as visiting the Deripaska-Rothschild resort in Monenegro).

Saif has gone out of his way to befriend the Prince (who was due to make a fourth visit this year until the Libyans proved a tad too enthusiastic in welcoming back Megrahi). It is inconceivable, many will think, that Saif did not press Andrew on the matter (Buckingham Place is vague about it).

Libyan impatience turned to anger. When the Swiss arrested Saif's younger brother Hannibal for allegedly beating his staff, Colonel Gaddafi cut off oil supplies to Switzerland and withdrew billions of dollars from its banks. The Swiss retreated with a grovelling apology. The British, perhaps, saw it as a sign of what could happen to them if they didn't move faster on the Lockerbie bomber.

The British government has maintained throughout that the bomber's release was a matter for the devolved Scottish judicial system, which is, of course, technically correct.

But I have it on good authority that, privately, Scotland's First Minister, Alex Salmond, says he was in no doubt London wanted Megrahi returned to Tripoli. A letter from a junior Foreign Office minister in London to the Scottish government encouraging it to "consider" his release has been leaked. I know of no serious observer of British politics who believes that London would leave such a sensitive foreign policy matter purely to Edinburgh.

Prime Minister Gordon Brown has maintained a curious omerta on the matter, not even venturing a view on whether his native Scotland was right or wrong to return the bomber and venturing only the commonplace view that he was upset by the bomber's welcome on his return.

Colonel Gaddafi has been more explicit: on the bomber's return he went out of his way to thank not just Scotland but the British government. Oh yes, and Saif has just bought a $20m house in fashionable Hampstead, North London.

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So all is now, apparently, hunky-dory between London and Tripoli now the bomber is back in the bosom of his family.

But at what price for Britain's reputation for plain, honest dealing with dictators and resolution against terrorism?

Lockerbie, after all was the worst-ever terrorist atrocity in British history - and the man from Tripoli was the only one ever found guilty of it.

Offline Harconen

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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #50 on: August 28, 2009, 09:18:52 pm »
CIA Involvement: Police chief: Lockerbie evidence was faked

CIA planted tiny fragment of circuit board crucial in convicting a Libyan for the 1989 mass murder of 270 people

by Marcello Mega
Global Research, August 25, 2009
The Scotsman - 2006-08-28

This report was published by the Scotesman exactly three years ago. "the CIA planted the tiny fragment of circuit board crucial in convicting a Libyan for the 1989 mass murder of 270 people."

A former Scottish police chief has given lawyers a signed statement claiming that key evidence in the Lockerbie bombing trial was fabricated.

The retired officer - of assistant chief constable rank or higher - has testified that the CIA planted the tiny fragment of circuit board crucial in convicting a Libyan for the 1989 mass murder of 270 people.

The police chief, whose identity has not yet been revealed, gave the statement to lawyers representing Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed Al Megrahi, currently serving a life sentence in Greenock Prison.

The evidence will form a crucial part of Megrahi's attempt to have a retrial ordered by the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission (SCCRC). The claims pose a potentially devastating threat to the reputation of the entire Scottish legal system.

The officer, who was a member of the Association of Chief Police Officers Scotland, is supporting earlier claims by a former CIA agent that his bosses "wrote the script" to incriminate Libya.

Last night, George Esson, who was Chief Constable of Dumfries and Galloway when Megrahi was indicted for mass murder, confirmed he was aware of the development.

But Esson, who retired in 1994, questioned the officer's motives. He said: "Any police officer who believed they had knowledge of any element of fabrication in any criminal case would have a duty to act on that. Failure to do so would call into question their integrity, and I can't help but question their motive for raising the matter now."

Other important questions remain unanswered, such as how the officer learned of the alleged conspiracy and whether he was directly involved in the inquiry. But sources close to Megrahi's legal team believe they may have finally discovered the evidence that could demolish the case against him.

An insider told Scotland on Sunday that the retired officer approached them after Megrahi's appeal - before a bench of five Scottish judges - was dismissed in 2002.

The insider said: "He said he believed he had crucial information. A meeting was set up and he gave a statement that supported the long-standing rumours that the key piece of evidence, a fragment of circuit board from a timing device that implicated Libya, had been planted by US agents.

"Asked why he had not come forward before, he admitted he'd been wary of breaking ranks, afraid of being vilified.

"He also said that at the time he became aware of the matter, no one really believed there would ever be a trial. When it did come about, he believed both accused would be acquitted. When Megrahi was convicted, he told himself he'd be cleared at appeal."

The source added: "When that also failed, he explained he felt he had to come forward.

"He has confirmed that parts of the case were fabricated and that evidence was planted. At first he requested anonymity, but has backed down and will be identified if and when the case returns to the appeal court."

The vital evidence that linked the bombing of Pan Am 103 to Megrahi was a tiny fragment of circuit board which investigators found in a wooded area many miles from Lockerbie months after the atrocity.

The fragment was later identified by the FBI's Thomas Thurman as being part of a sophisticated timer device used to detonate explosives, and manufactured by the Swiss firm Mebo, which supplied it only to Libya and the East German Stasi. At one time, Megrahi, a Libyan intelligence agent, was such a regular visitor to Mebo that he had his own office in the firm's headquarters.

The fragment of circuit board therefore enabled Libya - and Megrahi - to be placed at the heart of the investigation. However, Thurman was later unmasked as a fraud who had given false evidence in American murder trials, and it emerged that he had little in the way of scientific qualifications.

Then, in 2003, a retired CIA officer gave a statement to Megrahi's lawyers in which he alleged evidence had been planted.

The decision of a former Scottish police chief to back this claim could add enormous weight to what has previously been dismissed as a wild conspiracy theory. It has long been rumoured the fragment was planted to implicate Libya for political reasons.

The first suspects in the case were the Syrian-led Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command (PFLP-GC), a terror group backed by Iranian cash. But the first Gulf War altered diplomatic relations with Middle East nations, and Libya became the pariah state.

Following the trial, legal observers from around the world, including senior United Nations officials, expressed disquiet about the verdict and the conduct of the proceedings at Camp Zeist, Holland. Those doubts were first fuelled when internal documents emerged from the offices of the US Defence Intelligence Agency. Dated 1994, more than two years after the Libyans were identified to the world as the bombers, they still described the PFLP-GC as the Lockerbie bombers.

A source close to Megrahi's defence said: "Britain and the US were telling the world it was Libya, but in their private communications they acknowledged that they knew it was the PFLP-GC.

"The case is starting to unravel largely because when they wrote the script, they never expected to have to act it out. Nobody expected agreement for a trial to be reached, but it was, and in preparing a manufactured case, mistakes were made."

Dr Jim Swire, who has publicly expressed his belief in Megrahi's innocence, said it was quite right that all relevant information now be put to the SCCRC.

Swire, whose daughter Flora was killed in the atrocity, said last night: "I am aware that there have been doubts about how some of the evidence in the case came to be presented in court.

"It is in all our interests that areas of doubt are thoroughly examined."

A spokeswoman for the Crown Office said: "As this case is currently being examined by the SCCRC, it would be inappropriate to comment."

No one from the Association of Chief Police Officers in Scotland was available to comment

Related Global Research Articles on Lockerbie

Lockerbie Investigator Disputes Story

Was Libya Framed for Lockerbie Bombing?

Lockerbie and Kafka's Labyrinth

Resist. Rebel. Cry out to all peoples and nations from the sky as the lightening flashes from the east to the west and judge the living and the dead.Or choose submission and slavery.

The light shineth in darkness; and the darkness comprehended it not.  (John 1:5)

Offline Satyagraha

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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #51 on: September 02, 2009, 08:20:29 pm »
British PM denies Lockerbie deal

Wednesday, September 02, 2009

Gordon Brown, Britain's prime minister, has denied claims his government pressured Scotland to free the Lockerbie bomber or that it struck a deal with Libya over the release.

"On our part, there was no conspiracy, no cover-up, no double-dealing, no deal on oil, no attempt to instruct Scottish ministers, no private assurances by me to [Libyan leader] Colonel Gaddafi," he said on Wednesday.

His comments came after David Cameron, Britain's opposition leader, said the country faced accusations of "double-dealing" over the release of Abdel Basset al-Megrahi.

The Libyan, convicted of the 1988 bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over the Scottish town of Lockerbie, was released last month on compassionate grounds as he was suffering from terminal prostate cancer.

His release angered the US government and many relatives of the victims and triggered accusations that Britain had pushed the Scottish government to make the decision in a bid to secure trade deals with Libya.

Confidential papers

David Miliband, Britain's foreign secretary, said on Wednesday that Britain had told Libya it did not want al-Megrahi to die in jail but insisted his government had not pressured Scottish officials.

"The allegation that is being made ... is that somehow we pressured the Scottish government into making a decision one way or another," he said, adding: "There was no pressure from the British government on the Scots."

Britain released confidential papers on Tuesday on the lead-up to the prisoner's release, revealing that a British minister told Libyan officials earlier this year that Brown did not want Abdel Basset al-Megrahi to die in prison.

The letters also show that British officials repeatedly stressed the importance of growing UK-Libyan interests in pushing for the release of al-Megrahi, who was moved into an emergency room on Wednesday in a Tripoli hospital where he is undergoing treatment.

The British government released the documents in an attempt to quell speculation that it pushed for al-Megrahi's release based on moves to increase economic co-operation with Libya.

Britain has regional governments in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland that are responsible for local issues, but retains power over foreign policy.

According to the papers, Jack Straw, Britain's justice secretary, underscored the importance of a "strong relationship" with Libya.

"You ask what I mean by 'national interests," he said in a letter last year to Alex Salmond, the Scottish first minister.

Release condemned

"Developing a strong relationship with Libya, and helping it to reintegrate into the international community, is good for the UK.

"Libya is one of only two countries to have ever voluntarily and transparently dismantled its weapons of mass destruction programme.

Al-Megrahi wrote a letter to Scottish authorities declaring his innocence [AFP]

"Having sponsored terrorist attacks in the past, it is now an important partner in the fight against terrorism."

The release of the documents is likely to fan resentment in the US, where al-Megrahi's release, after serving eight years of a life sentence, has been vehemently condemned.

Many of the 270 people killed in the bombing were US citizens.

Commenting on the latest revelations, Richard Kolko, a spokesman for the US justice department, said that his department had "received assurances in the 1990's that al-Megrahi's full sentence would be served in Scotland".

The statement seemed to contradict other documents, including one from Britain's foreign office, that said there was no commitment given to the US to keep al-Megrahi imprisoned.

The exchanges also raise questions on whether Britain warned Scotland of a possible diplomatic fallout with the US should al-Megrahi be released.

Straw has denied that the negotiations referred to in his letters, which were leaked to a local newspaper, involved any commercial deals with Libya.

And  the King shall answer and say unto them, Verily I say unto you, 
Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren,  ye have done it unto me.

Matthew 25:40

Offline Satyagraha

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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #52 on: September 04, 2009, 10:04:06 pm »
Lockerbie: Megrahi Was Framed
by John Pilger, September 04, 2009

The hysteria over the release of the so-called Lockerbie bomber reveals much about the political and media class on both sides of the Atlantic, especially Britain. From Gordon Brown’s "repulsion" to Barack Obama’s "outrage," the theater of lies and hypocrisy is dutifully attended by those who call themselves journalists. "But what if Megrahi lives longer than three months?" whined a BBC reporter to the Scottish First Minister, Alex Salmond. "What will you say to your constituents, then?"

Horror of horrors that a dying man should live longer than prescribed before he "pays" for his "heinous crime": the description of the Scottish justice minister, Kenny MacAskill, whose "compassion" allowed Abdelbaset Ali Mohmed al-Megrahi to go home to Libya to "face justice from a higher power." Amen.

The American satirist Larry David once addressed a voluble crony as "a babbling brook of bullsh*t." Such eloquence summarizes the circus of Megrahi’s release.

No one in authority has had the guts to state the truth about the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 above the Scottish village of Lockerbie on 21 December 1988 in which 270 people were killed. The governments in England and Scotland in effect blackmailed Megrahi into dropping his appeal as a condition of his immediate release. Of course there were oil and arms deals under way with Libya; but had Megrahi proceeded with his appeal, some 600 pages of new and deliberately suppressed evidence would have set the seal on his innocence and given us more than a glimpse of how and why he was stitched up for the benefit of "strategic interests."

"The endgame came down to damage limitation," said the former CIA officer Robert Baer, who took part in the original investigation, "because the evidence amassed by [Megrahi's] appeal is explosive and extremely damning to the system of justice." New witnesses would show that it was impossible for Megrahi to have bought clothes that were found in the wreckage of the Pan Am aircraft – he was convicted on the word of a Maltese shopowner who claimed to have sold him the clothes, then gave a false description of him in 19 separate statements and even failed to recognize him in the courtroom.

The new evidence would have shown that a fragment of a circuit board and bomb timer, "discovered" in the Scottish countryside and said to have been in Megrahi’s suitcase, was probably a plant. A forensic scientist found no trace of an explosion on it. The new evidence would demonstrate the impossibility of the bomb beginning its journey in Malta before it was "transferred" through two airports undetected to Flight 103.

A "key secret witness" at the original trial, who claimed to have seen Megrahi and his co-accused al-Alim Khalifa Fahimah (who was acquitted) loading the bomb on to the plane at Frankfurt, was bribed by the US authorities holding him as a "protected witness." The defense exposed him as a CIA informer who stood to collect, on the Libyans’ conviction, up to $4m as a reward.

Megrahi was convicted by three Scottish judges sitting in a courtroom in "neutral" Holland. There was no jury. One of the few reporters to sit through the long and often farcical proceedings was the late Paul Foot, whose landmark investigation in Private Eye exposed it as a cacophony of blunders, deceptions and lies: a whitewash. The Scottish judges, while admitting a "mass of conflicting evidence" and rejecting the fantasies of the CIA informer, found Megrahi guilty on hearsay and unproven circumstance. Their 90-page "opinion," wrote Foot, "is a remarkable document that claims an honored place in the history of British miscarriages of justice." (Lockerbie – the Flight from Justice by Paul Foot can be downloaded from the Private Eye website for £5).

Foot reported that most of the staff of the US embassy in Moscow who had reserved seats on Pan Am flights from Frankfurt canceled their bookings when they were alerted by US intelligence that a terrorist attack was planned. He named Margaret Thatcher the "architect" of the cover-up after revealing that she killed the independent inquiry her transport secretary Cecil Parkinson had promised the Lockerbie families; and in a phone call to President George Bush Sr. on 11 January 1990, she agreed to "low-key" the disaster after their intelligence services had reported "beyond doubt" that the Lockerbie bomb had been placed by a Palestinian group contracted by Tehran as a reprisal for the shooting down of an Iranian airliner by a US warship in Iranian territorial waters. Among the 290 dead were 66 children. In 1990, the ship’s captain was awarded the Legion of Merit by Bush Sr. "for exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding service as commanding officer."

Perversely, when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait in 1991, Bush needed Iran’s support as he built a "coalition" to expel his wayward client from an American oil colony. The only country that defied Bush and backed Iraq was Libya. "Like lazy and overfed fish," wrote Foot, "the British media jumped to the bait. In almost unanimous chorus, they engaged in furious vilification and op-ed warmongering against Libya." The framing of Libya for the Lockerbie crime was inevitable. Since then, a US defense intelligence agency report, obtained under Freedom of Information, has confirmed these truths and identified the likely bomber; it was to be centerpiece of Megrahi’s defense.

In 2007, the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission referred Megrahi’s case for appeal. "The commission is of the view," said its chairman, Dr. Graham Forbes, "that based upon our lengthy investigations, the new evidence we have found and other evidence which was not before the trial court, that the applicant may have suffered a miscarriage of justice."

The words "miscarriage of justice" are missing entirely from the current furor, with Kenny MacAskill reassuring the baying mob that the scapegoat will soon face justice from that "higher power." What a disgrace.

And  the King shall answer and say unto them, Verily I say unto you, 
Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren,  ye have done it unto me.

Matthew 25:40


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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #53 on: December 11, 2011, 09:04:52 am »
Spy buffs know Oswald LeWinter as a former CIA operative. A Vienna tabloid quoted Rodney Stich, author of "Disavow a CIA Saga of Betrayal," as saying that Mr LeWinter worked for more than 30 years for the CIA under the codename "Razine". He was the best-informed person I have ever met on intelligence matters. His views on everything from geopolitics to literature were sophisticated.

The document he plonked down on the airport bar looked like a field report from a US Drug Enforcement Administration agent based in Switzerland. It suggested that Mark Thatcher had been involved in an arms-for-drugs deal with a Syrian named Monzer al-Kassar. Mr al-Kassar is known to spy buffs because he was arrested in Spain for supplying weapons to the hijackers of the Achille Lauro cruise ship who murdered the passenger Leon Klinghoffer. Later, however, he was acquitted of all charges in a trial in Madrid.

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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #54 on: December 11, 2011, 02:38:45 pm »
Points to consider about Lockerbie/CIA/drugs

- The bombing was right at the end of the 1st Afghan operation. Implementation of opium in Afghanistan.

- The bombing was right before the major BCCI investigation by the NY D.A. BCCI=Implementation of opium in Afghanistan.

- Lockerbie was the first major attack on U.S. airline. After Lockerbie a series of attacks would begin, 93 wtc, OKC, Saudi Arabia bombings etc. Was this the start of the false flag attacks in preparation for 9/11?

Here is some more info. Originaly posted by DrDebug on Democraticunderground

The Oklahoma City Bombing and the Politics of Terror
by David Hoffman
Copyright © 1998 David Hoffman

Published online with the irrevocable permission of the author to republish with attribution on a non-profit basis. (See: )

"The covert operators that I ran with would blow up a 747 with 300 people to kill one person. They are total sociopaths with no conscience whatsoever." - Former Pentagon CID Investigator Gene Wheaton

On 21 December 1988, Pan Am flight 103 was blown up over Lockerbie in Scotland. 270 people died.

Minutes before flight 103 took off from London's Heathrow airport, FBI Assistant Director Oliver 'Buck' Revell took his son and daughter-in-law off the plane. (1)

Revell was an associate of Lt. Colonel Oliver North who was linked to Iran-Contra. (2)

North ‘was a business associate of Syrian arms and drug runner Monzer al-Kassar.’ (3)

Al-Kassar was closely linked with Rifat Assad, brother of Syrian ruler Hafez Assad. Rifat ‘was married to the sister of Ali Issa Dubah, chief of Syrian intelligence, who, along with the Syrian army, controlled most of the opium production in Lebanon's Bekka Valley.’ (4)

Reportedly, al-Kassar was involved in shipping heroin from Lebanon into the USA.

Reportedly, al-Kassar's drug route to the United States was protected by the CIA. (5)

The American Drug Enforcement Agency "was already using Pan Am flights out of Frankfort, Germany, for ‘controlled delivery’ shipments of heroin." (5)

A team led by Major Charles McKee of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), and Matthew Gannon, the CIA's Deputy Station Chief in Beirut, traveled to Lebanon to try to get some hostages released. (6)

According to Juval Aviv, the Lockerbie investigator for Pan Am, McKee's team discovered the illegal CIA drug operation and refused to participate.

According to Aviv, McKee contacted the CIA headquarters but got no reply. McKee and Gannon, ‘against orders... decided to fly home to blow the whistle.’

According to Aviv: 'They had communicated back to Langley the facts and names, and reported their film of the hostage locations. CIA did nothing. No reply. The team was outraged, believing that its rescue and their lives would be endangered by the double dealing.
'By mid-December the team became frustrated and angry and made plans to return to the U.S. with their photos and evidence to inform the government, and to publicize their findings if the government covered up.'

Reportedly Ahmed Jibril (founder and leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command ) had a base near Frankfort. Reportedly, Jibril had links to al-Kassar.

Reportedly bomb maker Marwan Abdel Razzack Khreeshat was part of Jibril’s cell. On 26 October Khreesat was arrested and one of his bombs seized. Then Khreesat was mysteriously released. (7)

Former CIA agent Oswald Le Winter stated, "…pressure had come from Bonn… from the U.S. Embassy in Bonn… to release Khreesat." (8)

Reportedly, Khreesat worked for U.S. intelligence. (9)

Allegedly, one of Khreesat's bombs was used to bring down Pan Am flight 103 over Lockerbie.

McKee, Gannon and five other members of their team were killed when Pan Am flight 103 came down over Lockerbie. ? (10, 11)

After the crash

A member of a mountain rescue team said: "We arrived within two hours . We found Americans already there." (12)

According to George Stobbs, a Lockerbie police inspector, "I started to set up a control room, and eleven o'clock and midnight, there was a member of the FBI in the office who came in, introduced herself to me, and sat down — and just sat there the rest of the night. That was it." (13)

Tom Dalyell, a member of British Parliament, stated: "…Absolutely swarms of Americans (were) fiddling with the bodies, and shall we say tampering with those things the police were carefully checking themselves. They weren't pretending, saying they were from the FBI or CIA, they were just 'Americans' who seemed to arrive very quickly on the scene."

Dalyell recalled: "It was… odd and strange that so many people should be involved in moving bodies, looking at luggage, who were not members of the investigating force. What were they looking for so carefully? You know, this was not just searching carefully for loved ones. It was far more than that. It was careful examination of luggage and indeed bodies." (14)

Dr. David Fieldhouse, the local police surgeon, identified Major McKee's body. "I knew that (the identification of) McKee was absolutely correct because of the clothing which correlated closely with the other reports and statements, and the computers that were linked up to Washington." (14)

Jim Wilson, local farmer, told relatives of Pan Am victims that he was present "when the drugs were found." Wilson discovered a suitcase packed with heroin in one of his fields.

One Scottish police officer said that his department had been told to keep an eye out for the drugs early on. He also overheard American personnel say that there was a drug courier on the plane — Khalid Jaffar — one of the Lebanese informants used by the DEA. (15)

Sources and notes:
1. Paul Hudson, head of U.S. Pan Am survivors group, interview with author.
2. North contacted Meese through Admiral Poindexter. Meese informed Revell, who called Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division Mark Richard, and told him: "Please get on top of this; Jensen is giving a heads up to the NSC. Deposition of Mark M. Richard before the Joint Congressional Committees, 8/19/87, quoted in Christic, Op Cit.; Jensen is Deputy Attorney General Lowell Jensen; Kellner is Attorney General Leon Kellner. The rest of the conversation went as follows: "Call Kellner, find out what is up, and advise him that decision should be run by you"; Cockburn, Op Cit., p. 136.
3. As investigative journalist Joel Bainerman writes: Officials said that Al-Kassar maintained offices in Warsaw and was a major broker of the Polish-owned weapons company, Cenzin. The first arms purchase by North from al-Kassar totaling $1 million was sent by boat to an unidentified Caribbean port in the Fall of l985 and was later distributed to the Contra fighters. In April of that year, a second shipment of Polish arms was sold to the CIA as part of this transaction. (Los Angeles Times, 7/17/87, quoted in Joel Bainerman, "Bush Administration's Involvement in Bombing Pan Am 103," Portland Free Press, May/June, 1997. See Bainerman's book, The Crimes of a President, SPI Books, 1992, regarding the illegal deals of George Bush). In another part of the deal, more than $42 million was laundered through BCCI accounts in the Cayman Islands. Al-Kassar earned more than $1 million. Private Eye, 10/25/9l, quoted in Ibid.)
4. Administration officials who discussed these deals said Al-Kassar had clear business links with Abu Nidal's organization, Los Angeles Times, 7/17/87.
5. Jim Berwick, a Pan Am security consultant in London, told Francovich, "An HM Customs officer involved in the investigation of narcotics, left a message for me. I subsequently contacted him and met with him and he advised me that he had been in Frankfort and had been at a meeting of drug enforcement agents in Germany, America and Britain, and that it was well known and discussed at that meeting that Pan Am was the airline that was being used as a drug conduit."
6. According to a special report in Time (April 27, 1992), COREA used the following front companies for its overseas operations: Sevens Mantra Corp., AMA Industries, Wilderwood Video and Condor Television Ltd. The report revealed that Condor did its banking through the First American Bank, a subsidiary of BCCI. (Bainerman, Op Cit. )
7. One interesting piece of evidence was a call to Damascus, Syria, intercepted by authorities, in which Khreesat stated: "I have made some changes to the medicine. It is better and stronger."
8. Pritchard, Op Cit.
9. This also raises the issue of whether Abraham Ahmed, who was released from custody after his mysteriously-timed departure from the U.S. after the Oklahoma City bombing, was an operative of the U.S. Government.
10. Donald Goddard and Lester Coleman, On the Trail of the Octopus (London, Bloomsbury Publishing, LTD., 1993), pp. 143, 201.
11. PBS Frontline investigators believe that the intelligence officers were "a strong secondary target."
12. As British journalist David Ben-Aryeah reported: "Very strange people were at work very early on. Within a matter of three hours there were American accents heard in the town. Over that night there were large numbers, by which I mean twenty, twenty-five, thirty people arrived.…" (Franckovich, Op Cit.)
13. As investigator and former law-enforcement officer Craig Roberts points out in The Medussa File: "The unusual activity of this alleged "FBI" agent is striking, but not quite as odd as the fact that Lockerbie is over 350 miles from London, which is the nearest point an American FBI agent might be. To reach Lockerbie that night from London, even if traveling by air, would have taken far more than one hour considering the sequence of events that would have had to occur. Assuming a timely notification, an American agent in London would have had to have been tracked down considering the late hour, notified to pack up for an investigation, rush to Heathrow, board a waiting airplane, fly immediately to the nearest airport that could land a jet transport, obtain ground transportation from there to Lockerbie, then locate the command center. An effort that would require four to six hours at the minimum."
14. J.D. Reed, "Wednesday, April 19, 1995: A Black Day for All of Us," Workin' Interest, Vol. 96, Issue No. 3.
15. The Jaffar clan had been at the center of the opium production in the Bekka Valley for years.


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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #55 on: December 12, 2011, 10:54:59 am »
Peter Lance has a theory that Ramzi Yousef and his cell are behind everything from WTC93 to 9/11
If he was behind pan am 103 too that would tie things up nicely


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Re: Lockerbie "Bomber" / CIA / Nat Rothschild / Iran-Contra Cover Up
« Reply #56 on: December 12, 2011, 10:56:58 am »
Sir Mark Thatcher is the son of Sir Denis Thatcher and Baroness Thatcher, the former British Prime Minister.
Thatcher's father was a director of Burmah Oil, and a consultant to Amec plc who would later feature in 9/11 conspiracy theories. He knew many world leaders including Poppy Bush

Thatcher has attracted headlines for the role he played in an attempted coup in Equatorial Guinea.

 Thatcher married a Texan, Diane Burgdorf, but the family moved to South Africa, possibly to avoid bad publicity because of allegations against Mark Thatcher of racketeering that resulted in a £4 million civil action in 1994. On 25 August 2004, Thatcher was arrested at home in Constantia, Cape Town, South Africa. He was charged later that day with contravening two sections of South Africa's "Foreign Military Assistance Act", which bans South African residents from taking part in any foreign military activity. The charges related to "possible funding and logistical assistance in relation to an attempted coup in Equatorial Guinea" organized by Thatcher's friend, Simon Mann.