Author Topic: WTF? Ptech was contracted w/ Rocky Flats Nuclear Weapons Facility | DOE  (Read 8312 times)

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Case Study: US Department of Energy (DOE)

The Department of Energy is radically changing its mission from nuclear weapons production to environmental cleanup of legacy waste and contamination at approximately 50% of its existing manufacturing, chemical processing, and support facilities (approx. 400 facilities, 4000 workers, 155 acres). The Rocky Flats Plant falls under this category of environmental cleanup and facility closure. This mission is expected to sustain work through the year 2040 at a cost of approximately $17 billion. Local and national stakeholders are applying pressure through regulation and litigation for the site to meet ambitious and difficult milestones for cleanup.

Previously, the facility operations were managed by independent "stovepipe" programs. The consulting staff came to the realization that they needed to redesign the management and funding methods of the site, with a shift from a program-based management approach to a project-based management approach. Issues arising from organizations (such as waste management and labs) that have their own budgets presented problems with stewardship, accountability, timing, funding and project integration.

The Ptech consultants' project-based approach described a systematic cleanup and shut down of site facilities with sufficient integration and description for identification and scheduling of resources for use. Funding rates from the Federal government were included, as well as stakeholder requirements and priorities for work, in the scheduling of projects. Focus was also placed on cultivating relationships with universities and technology providers for currently unavailable workforce and technologies. The team also developed specifications for a project management and control system that would support increased accountability to stakeholders, and the cleanup and decommissioning of the site and would be accessible via remote access at the site, local colleges, libraries, and by regulators. The site management accepted this proposal and is preparing to employ the strategy.

Feds turn up heat on IT sector links to al-Qaeda

By Dan Verton    Issue / Monday, 9 December, 2002

Thursday night's raid of a Massachusetts-based software firm for possible links to al-Qaeda signals a shift in the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI)'s focus on nongovernmental organizations and charities to corporate America, including the IT industry, experts close to the investigation said.

Bringing to a close one phase of an ongoing investigation code-named "Operation Greenquest," the FBI raided the Quincy, Mass., offices of Ptech Inc. in an effort to gather evidence that the company was involved in helping to finance al-Qaeda operations, as well as the possibility that software it sold to various government agencies may have contained malicious code.

The company's client list reads like a who's who of the high-tech industry, including companies such as IBM Corp., Booz Allen & Hamilton Inc., Motorola Inc., Sprint Corp. and The Mitre Corp.

"We are investigating the [situation] and are cooperating with authorities," said Jeffrey Gluck, a spokesman for IBM Global Services, which works with Ptech to build IT architectures for its customers. "But it's still too early in the investigation to know, with any degree of certainty, exactly what the allegations are," he said.

A spokesman for Allegheny Energy Supply Co. in Hagerstown, Md., another of Ptech's customers, declined to comment.

Senior counterintelligence officials familiar with the case said the U.S. Customs Service initiated the investigation of Ptech after a disgruntled employee tipped off the agency to the company's alleged hidden ownership. As a result, Customs and the FBI began investigating Yacub Mirza, a former member of Ptech's board of directors who also manages a number of other businesses in the U.S.

"Mirza was acting on behalf of Yassin Qadi, the Saudi financier who was on the U.S. [terrorism] watch list and whose accounts here are frozen," said Vince Cannistraro, the former chief of counterterrorism at the CIA. "Qadi is the guy behind Ptech."

Although it's not clear if Ptech made any money for Osama bin Laden's network, Operation Greenquest is trying to determine if it was a laundering entity for al-Qaeda, said Cannistraro.

The company, which currently has 35 employees, issued a statement this afternoon denying that federal agents conducted a "raid" of Ptech's offices, saying instead that the company "granted access" to investigators and is cooperating fully.

"The company categorically denies having any connection with any terrorist organization," the statement read. "Ptech has been informed by government investigators that neither Ptech nor its officers or employees are targets of the government's investigation."

Blake Bisson, the company's vice president of sales, told Computerworld Friday that he believes federal authorities are routinely investigating companies with employees from Islamic countries. "To my knowledge, there is no link to al-Qaeda," he said.

"What this investigation shows is that the government is now paying as much attention to the role of high-tech companies in terrorism financing as they are with nongovernmental organizations," said Roger Cressey, former chief of staff at the President's Critical Infrastructure Protection Board and a White House counterterrorism specialist.

A senior administration official familiar with the investigation who spoke on condition of anonymity said "a body of evidence" about the company's possible links to al-Qaeda was brought to the attention of the National Security Council months ago and triggered a governmentwide investigation into where Ptech software may have been installed and, more importantly, whether malicious code was involved.

That probe has so far turned up no sign of malicious code, the official said.

The official also said that the investigation into Ptech isn't an isolated incident and that there is growing concern about terrorist financing coming out of U.S.-based companies, including high-tech companies.

However, it's the company's work with the U.S. Department of Energy, the Federal Aviation Administration and the U.S. Department of Defense that raised the most concern, experts said.

One of the most sensitive contracts in Ptech's portfolio included support work for the DOE's plutonium cleanup effort at the Rocky Flats facility, which was once used to develop nuclear weapons.

Notra Trulock, former director of intelligence at the DOE responsible for investigating incidents of Chinese nuclear espionage in the U.S., said he wouldn't be surprised if an al-Qaeda front company had managed to infiltrate nuclear programs at the DOE.

"Nothing surprises me when it comes to DOE, frankly," said Trulock. "Neither [DOE] nor the labs ever perform much in the way of due diligence in these things. Usually, it's [done on] a buddy [basis]," he said.

Larry Johnson, a former CIA counterterrorism expert and CEO and co-founder of The Business Exposure Reduction Group Associates LLC, a Washington-based international business-consulting company, acknowledged links between Qadi and other terrorist groups, such as Hamas.

"As a general principle, any company doing business in the classified [government] arena must take steps to ensure its employees are fully vetted and monitored over time," said Johnson. "It boils down to common-sense security."

Report: Software firm raided for al-Qaeda ties
By Scarlet Pruitt, IDG News Service
December 6, 2002 12:00 PM ET

IDG News Service -  U.S. government investigators raided a Quincy, Mass., software firm with alleged ties to the al-Qaeda terrorist network early this morning, searching offices and downloading files from the firm's computers, according to a report published today.

Ptech Inc., which counts among its clients sensitive government bodies including NATO, the U.S. Naval Air Systems Command, the U.S. Air Force and the U.S. Department of Energy, is believed to be linked to Saudi millionaire and top Osama bin Laden associate Qassin al-Kadi, according to a report published on

Ptech's Web site also lists the Federal Aviation Administration, the U.S. House of Representatives and the FBI as customers. The firm, which is privy to top-secret U.S. government information, is allegedly under investigation for funneling millions of dollars to al-Qaeda. According to the report, the probe has recently been given the highest priority inside the U.S. government, and agents have been secretly searching the company's software to see if there were any bugs or back doors that would make it easier for terrorists to hack.

Ptech's chairman and CEO, Oussama Ziade, holds a bachelor's degree in physics from Harvard University and master's degree in software engineering from Boston University, according to a white paper he authored that is posted on the Ptech site. His company biography also says he participated in the doctoral high energy physics program at Harvard. According to company information, Ziade formed Ptech in 1994 and has raised $20 million in private investment money for the company. Prior to founding Ptech, Ziade was the CEO of Associative Design Technology. It wasn't immediately clear where that company is located.

Other officers at Ptech include George Peterson, chief financial officer; Blake Bisson, vice president of sales; Joseph Johnson, vice president of professional services; James Cerrato, chief product officer; and Hussein Ibrahim, vice president and chief scientist. According to a case study on the company's Web site, Ptech has been working to clean up the DOE's former Rocky Flats facility, which has often been a target of activists because of its connection to the building of nuclear weapons. The cleanup at Rocky Flats centers on the inventory and disposal of plutonium, according to documents published on the Rocky Flats Web site.

The Web site for the facility notes that the "Rocky Flats Site is in a heightened state of security awareness that includes new restrictions on vendor and visitor access to the site until further notice. In addition, only select content will be available on this Web site until further review has been conducted. We appreciate your patience and understanding during these difficult times."

Brian Sullivan of Computerworld contributed to this report.

High-Tech Terror Ties?
The Feds Probe A Boston-Area Software Company With Sensitive U.S. Government Contracts For Links To Al Qaeda
By Mark Hosenball | Newsweek Web Exclusive
Dec 6, 2002

Several dozen federal and local law-enforcement officers, pursing an investigation launched by the National Security Council, late last night searched the Quincy, Mass., office of Ptech Inc., an obscure software consulting firm that has contracts with the FBI, the U.S. military and the nuclear-weapons program of the Department of Energy.

Sources close to the investigation told NEWSWEEK that investigators were looking for evidence tying the company to Yasin Al-Qadi, a Saudi businessman who last year was designated a financier of terrorism by the U.S. Treasury Department.

Law-enforcement sources said the search was performed after a cooperating witness gave investigators access to the property on Thursday night. A warrant had also been obtained by federal prosecutors in Boston, who had prepared a sealed affidavit in which they alleged Ptech may have violated a federal law prohibiting U.S. companies and individuals from doing business with entities designated as terrorist financiers by the United States. Company officials could not be reached for comment. Government sources told NEWSWEEK that the FBI had examined the company's business dealings with the FBI and found no threats to national security.

Sources close to the investigation say questions about Ptech's activities and ownership were first brought to the attention of government investigators shortly after the September 11 attacks last year. Company insiders reportedly approached the FBI with information indicating that Ptech's owners included a Saudi construction magnate named Qadi, who had been added to a list of alleged terrorist financiers by the Bush administration on Oct. 12, 2001. Qadi has also served as a director and shareholder of a controversial Islamic charity with alleged Al Qaeda connections called Muwaffaq (Blessed Relief).

A lawyer for Qadi confirmed for NEWSWEEK that the Saudi was one of Ptech's initial investors and that he had helped attract other investors to the company. The lawyer, who asked not be identified further, said that Qadi sold his interest in Ptech in 1999 but that it is possible a Qadi representative continued to sit on the company's board until recently. The lawyer said that Qadi was never a member of Ptech's board or an officer of the company. He also vehemently denied, on Qadi's behalf, that Qadi had any involvement with Osama bin Laden, Al Qaeda or any other terrorist group, and said that Qadi was a "man of peace."

Sources told NEWSWEEK that company insiders told investigators that they had been summoned to Saudi Arabia about two years ago to brief individuals whom they were told were investors in Ptech on the company's business plans and activities. At the meeting, the company employees were introduced to Qadi, who was described as a Ptech owner.

The FBI conducted an initial round of interviews with company whistle-blowers, sources said, but the investigation then languished for months. It was revived late last summer when a former government official with contacts in the Bush administration told officials at the National Security Council about the Ptech allegations. The White House then instructed the Treasury Department's U.S. Customs Service to open its own investigation into the company, government sources said. Officials say the Customs investigation created friction within the FBI, which tried to muscle its way back into the probe once it became clear that Customs agents were taking the case seriously.

Senior Bush administration officials became concerned that the company's U.S. government contracts and alleged connections to Qadi posed a potential threat to national security, though sources said they are aware of no evidence that has surfaced proving that Ptech has abused its position as a government contractor. Government officials said that the search on Ptech's office was part of a continuing effort to gather information on the company and that no arrests in the case are imminent.

Information posted on Ptech's Web site lists the FBI, the Federal Aviation Administration, the Internal Revenue Service, the NATO alliance, the U.S. Air Force, the U.S. Naval Air Systems Command, the Department of Education and the Department of Energy as among Ptech's customers, as well as prominent U.S. manufacturers and financial institutions. A "case study" of the company's work for the Department of Energy, posted on its Web site, explains that Ptech has been helping redesign the agency's computer systems used at the Rocky Flats nuclear plant near Denver, a controversial facility that had been used to manufacture plutonium cores for nuclear bombs. The plant is now being dismantled.

Ptech may have recently taken steps to play down its possible connections with Qadi. Last month, the company's Web-site biography of the company's chief scientist, Hussein Ibrahim, described him as a former vice chairman of a company called BMI Finance and Investment Group. A Wall Street Journal report recently alleged that Qadi was an investor in BMI, which Qadi's lawyer confirmed. As of today, the reference to Ibrahim's employment with BMI had been deleted from the biography.

© 2002


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MS: Well, one of the problems is Bush is probably still getting people daily giving him advice daily to just beat the hell out of the Saudi Arabians and they'll produce more oil. And my answer is that you can beat the hell out of them and they can't produce any more. It'd be dangerous if they did. So it's very tenuous trying to - I think he was - it would have been so unbelievably easy to drop ANWAR; ANWAR was a toxic issue in the United States. But he knew that ANWAR was about the only supply thing that you could humanly do that if it worked might actually bring another million barrels a day of domestic oil, and save Prudhoe Bay. Because at risk is Prudhoe Bay. Because you get that production down to under around 500,000 barrels a day, and it won't make it over Brooks Range. So, I give him a lot of credit.

Once he'd killed it in a month, to go from natural gas, to we've got to go nuclear - I mean here's a guy who was basically elected by the skin of his teeth, and he basically presses the "go button" on Yucca Mountain, knowing full well he's writing off five electoral votes in Nevada. Everybody in Nevada hated Yucca Mountain. Why? Because they were afraid it might hurt the tourist business. But Bush was saying, we gotta do this. We've gotta return to nuclear power. So I think that some of his actions that look so wacko to so many Americans, and especially to people outside America, I actually look at in kind of a different light and say, some of it was some pretty gutsy political action.

JAH: Unless one concludes that, having commissioned a software program that was going to essentially steal the 2004 election, he could afford to affront the Nevadans.

MS: If you believe that, then you ought to believe that there's a colony on the Moon that directed picking John Kerry, the single weakest candidate since Al Gore. I think the Republicans were unbelievably lucky that we ended up with Al Gore and John Kerry. Collectively, you couldn't have two more incompetent people trying to run the United States. What's scary is how close both of them came to being elected.

JAH: It's also the case that [the former Rocky Flats Nuclear Weapons Plant cleanup program] runs on software which is produced by a company called Ptech, which was raided by Operation Greenquest in December of 2002, and it turned out that their major financial backer was Yassin Al-Qadi, who was on the State Department's Specially Designated Terrorist Watchlist - which doesn't spell necessary disaster for [the entire nuclear industry, or] Yucca Mountain, but it's somewhat unsavory…

MS: You know, I've gotten to know relatively well a cadre of the civil servants at the Department of Energy. People who have been there for twenty or thirty years, and they are totally apolitical. And the amount of scientific work that went in to proving Yucca Mountain for ten thousand years is far beyond any one software program. So I think, from the start, most people thought give me a break - we've been having nuclear tests for forty years. So the shrillness of Yucca Mountain was just one more great fundraiser for the Sierra Club. And it was a great fundraiser for the Sierra Club. And it scared the bejesus out of everyone in Nevada. And one thing that scared the bejesus out of them is that we were in danger of having nuclear waste traveling from [for example], Maine, to Yucca Mountain.

And I said, well, I drive by Wiscasset [Maine], every week during the Summer, and it scares the bejesus out of me; I know we've destroyed Maine Yankee [Atomic Power Company], but I know that right there, unguarded, is a bunch of nuclear waste. Seems to me that if that's your concern, we could take a page out of Wells Fargo (when they used to have stage coaches), and get some Federal Marshals with Uzis and say, 'by the way, this is nuclear waste and anybody who gets within a hundred feet gets both eyeballs shot out.' And I bet you we could store nuclear waste at Yucca Mountain with no problem.

Death of a Journalist Exposes a Secret Government
November 1991
by Paul DeRienzo

Joseph (Danny) Casolaro was a poet, author and investigative journalist who was found dead last August, apparently from his own hand, in a West Virginia motel. Although a short suicide note was found near the body, his friends and family cast doubt on the coroner's version, that Casolaro had slit his own wrists at least ten times while sitting in a bathtub.

Casolaro was planning to write a book that would expose the story behind the 1982 theft by the Department of Justice of case management, tracking and workflow management software called PROMIS (PROsecution Management Information Systems), for use by public prosecution agencies. The software, which is still in use today, allows prosecutors to quickly and accurately track cases winding through the courts.

The investigation had taken the 44-year old divorced father of one into a misty world of organized crime, corporate greed and possibly CIA covert operations that may have led Casolaro over his head into a conspiracy by men with connections to the highest level of the United States government, a conspiracy that Casolaro called the Octopus, because its tentacles led from the covert action branch of the CIA into the heart of the most infamous scandals of our age.

Casolaro had maintained until his death that the PROMIS software was stolen and modified by the government for sale to the intelligence agencies of various countries throughout the world. He based his theory mostly on the testimony of a scientist, Michael Riconosciuto, who told a federal court that the software had been taken to the Cabazon Indian reservation in southern California.

Riconosciuto told the court that he was hired to modify the PROMIS software for sale to intelligence agencies in a number of countries, including Iraq, Egypt, Canada, Israel and Jordan, by Dr. Earl W. Brian, the head of Infotechnology Inc, a New York based holding company financed through the junk bond market by big institutional investors like Merrill Lynch Inc. Among the myriad of companies controlled by Infotechnology Inc is United Press International (UPI), and until recently, the Financial News Network (FNN).

Dr. Brian has denied the charges, which he calls a "tissue of lies", but according to Maggie Mahar, the senior editor of the prestigious business journal, Brian's advice to the wife of then Reagan advisor Edwin Meese to buy stock in Infotechnology Inc, was the focus of investigations that nearly derailed Meese's nomination as Attorney General. It was during the Meese tenure as Attorney General that the theft of the PROMIS software occurred.

Riconosciuto predicted that his testimony would anger powerful figures in the government and in fact soon after he gave his deposition in the Inslaw case, he was arrested and charged with running a methamphetamine laboratory in Tacoma, Washington where he is currently imprisoned.

PROMIS software had been developed by a Washington DC based company called Inslaw, founded by Bill and Nancy Hamilton. Hamilton had begun work on case management software for the government in the 1970's with financing from the now defunct Law Enforcement Assistance Agency or LEAA.

The Justice department, under President Ronald Reagan's Attorney General and long time associate Edwin Meese, bought the software from Hamilton for $10 million.

According to Hamilton, as soon as the Justice Department took delivery of the 1980's version of PROMIS, they reneged on the contract and withheld payments, forcing Inslaw into Chapter Eleven bankruptcy. The Justice Department then launched what Bill Hamilton called "a covert effort" to completely liquidate Inslaw, and Inslaw retaliated by suing the Department of Justice in Federal Bankruptcy Court. After a three week trial, Judge George Bason ruled that officials of the Justice Department "stole" forty-four copies of PROMIS, "through trickery, fraud and deceit", and then tried to drive Inslaw out of business.

A federal appeals court later upheld the facts in the case, but overturned the decision on the technical matter that the lawsuit was Pought in the wrong jurisdiction. That decision is being appealed to the Supreme Court. However, Bill Hamilton says ten years later, that he hasn't "received a penny" for PROMIS, while forty-four federal prosecutors offices across the country are still using the software.

A month after Bason's ruling in favor of Inslaw, the judge learned the shocking and bizarre news that his reappointment to the court was being denied, and that he would be replaced by S. Martin Teel, one of the Justice Department attorneys who unsuccessfully argued the Inslaw case before Bason.

Bill Hamilton traces his problems with the Department of Justice to a phone call he received in 1983 from Dominic Laiti, the then chairman of Hadron Inc. According to Hamilton, after identifying himself, Laiti said that Hadron was seeking a monopoly in providing law enforcement software, and he wanted to "buy" Inslaw. Hamilton says Laiti ended the call by telling him that Hadron "has very good political contacts in the current administration." When Hamilton declined to sell Inslaw he says Laiti retorted, "We have ways of making you sell."

While Laiti has denied the phone call ever took place, Hadron definitely enjoyed some "very good political contacts." Hadron is controlled by Dr. Earl Brian's Infotechnology Inc.

In the desert west of Los Angeles near the city of Indio, lies the Cabazon Indian reservation. A tiny tribe, with only 30 members, with a huge clout. Until the 1980's the tribe had no running water and no electricity and every tribal business was a failure.

The Cabazon's fortunes began to change after the arrival in 1978 of John P. Nichols, a non-Indian, as the tribe's chief administrator. Nichols, a self described intelligence operative who once served 18 months in prison for trying to arrange a contract killing, brought a major gambling operation to Cabazon land. The reservation, claiming sovereignty as an independent nation within the United States, soon sported a Las Vegas style casino, and high stakes bingo hall, both financed by grants from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.

According to the book Inside Job by Stephen Pizzo, which documents the savings and loan scandal, John P. Nichols was a business partner with a major S&L player who got questionable loans from both the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI), and the Colorado based Silverado Bank, which had on it's board of directors Neil Bush, the son of President George Bush.

A recent series of articles about the Cabazon Reservation by Robert Littman in the San Francisco Chronicle, reported that private investors were hoping to take advantage of the Cabazon's sovereign nation status. The investors, which included a Canadian group, built or planned to build a $150 million power plant, a 1300 unit luxury housing project called Indian Village (with HUD funding), and a medical waste disposal incinerator, all without environmental impact statements that would normally be necessary in California.

The Chronicle article also describes an attempt by Nichols to start a joint venture between the Cabazon's and the Wackenhut Corporation. Wackenhut, which counts many ex-intelligence agents among its directors, is the nations third largest supplier of privately run prisons. The company's business expanded greatly during the Iraq war as executives and government agencies tightened their security. In recent years Wackenhut has been replacing the U.S. Marine Corp. as the security force for overseas embassies, and they also provide security at nuclear weapons facilities such as Rocky Flats, Colorado and the Nevada nuclear test site.

A senior executive at Wackenhut told Computerworld magazine last April that while the company had entered into a joint venture with the Cabazon's it did not staff the operation and the venture folded it when it did not win any contracts. However, Chronicle reporter Robert Littman told Pacifica radio in September that until recently uniformed Wackenhut security guards could be seen patrolling on Cabazon land.

A chronicler of the Inslaw affair, Harry V. Martin, editor of the Napa Valley Sentinel, described Wackenhut during a WBAI special on the Inslaw affair.

If you saw the movie RoboCop, the corporation that was running that police department -- this is exactly what Wackenhut is becoming. In other words, it's taking over the functions of law enforcement on contract base. And they were formed by former FBI people. And some of the top CIA people went into that organization when they retired from their system.

According to the Chronicle, the Cabazon reservation was used to demonstrate night vision goggles for the Nicaraguan Contras. The Cabazons also met with U.S. army officials about developing arms, they proposed security measures for a Saudi Arabian palace, and solicited proposals for developing biological weapons. The most alarming occurrence on the Cabazon Reservation was the unsolved 1982 execution style murder of Fred Alvarez, a Cabazon Indian leader, and two of his companions.

While John P. Nichols denies any involvement with the still unsolved killings, a California investigative reporter, Virginia McCullough, says the case has been recently reopened. McCullough, in an exclusive interview with the Shadow, said California police have named John P. Nichols Jr. as the prime suspect in the murder.

McCullough told the Shadow that Alvarez had begun to speak out against the misuse of the Cabazon people by Nichols and Wackenhut. Alvarez had also told associates that he was getting death threats and would probably die because of his outspoken opposition to the Nichols family.

Michael Riconosciuto says Alvarez was tied closely to the covert action side of events that were occurring on the Cabazon reservation. Riconosciuto claims that he was on the Cabazon reservation, rewriting the PROMIS software for Earl Brian at the time of the Alvarez murder. Speaking to Pacifica radio in late August, Riconosciuto gave the following statement in which he maintains that Alvarez was involved in the October Surprise, an alleged plot by the Reagan presidential campaign to steal the 1980 Presidential election that Riconosciuto maintains was hatched on the Cabazon reservation.

Riconosciuto said that "Alvarez was present at all the meetings, and he was gung-ho behind Nichols (Dr. John P. Nichols), and everything that was going on there. OK? We were all red-blooded Americans, and we believed in the things that were going on! The way things were shaping up with the Reagan Election Committee and the things that were being orchestrated made us all concerned. And Alvarez wrote a detailed letter to Ronald Reagan expressing his concern. All the details of the October Surprise hostage issue were outlined in that letter. I mean, in specifics. The October Surprise is the name given the alleged plot by the Reagan election team to arrange for the government of Iran to keep the 52 American hostages until after the 1980 presidential election to help insure the election defeat of Jimmy Carter.

Riconosciuto, who has a history as a brilliant yet somewhat erratic genius, went on to state that the Inslaw software theft was a payoff to John P. Nichols and Wackenhut Corp. for assisting with the October Surprise.

The ability to run with PROMIS from the inside, on a procurement track, was part of a benefit reward package to the Cabazon position for what they did in helping the Election Committee. Part of that was the artillery shells. Part of that was security contracts for Wackenhut.

Wackenhut has security jobs that were traditionally done by the United States Marine Corps. Now, it's done on open bid to private companies, and Wackenhut consistently has gotten most of those jobs. And all our atomic weapons research and test sites are all guarded by Wackenhut personnel. In the Reagan Administration, the shift went abruptly from Marine Corps and military personnel to Wackenhut personnel. It was an unprecedented move. And it's my position that this was part of the reward benefit package for cooperation and services rendered during the election situation.

More Mysterious Murders[/b]
The investigation of the Alvarez murder was taken up by the respected Canadian based Financial Times, whose reporter, Anson Ng, went to Guatemala to find Jimmy Hughes, a Wackenhut security guard who was named as a witness in the killing. Ng was found in Guatemala dead with a bullet in his chest.

Soon after Riconosciuto's drug arrest, Dennis Eisman, a Philadelphia attorney who was on his way to Washington State to take on Riconosciuto's defense, was found shot to death in his car. Eisman was reportedly enroute to meet with a woman in a Philadelphia parking lot, the woman reportedly had evidence of threats against Riconosciuto by associates of Dr. Earl Brian. According to Harry Martin, two weeks before Casolaro's death, a player in the affair, John Friedrich was found dead with a single bullet wound to the head in Australia. Martin writes that Friedrich was a close ally of Lt. Col. Oliver North and Israeli counter-terrorist chief Amiran Nir and had "a lot of knowledge about the Iran-Contra and Inslaw cases." Nir died last year in a mysterious plane crash in Mexico.

The Octopus
The Octopus was the name Danny Casolaro gave his theory explaining the Inslaw affair and its connection to the covert action arm of the CIA. Casolaro, who was planning to write a book on the Octopus called Indio (the town near the Cabazon reservation), had focused on reports that former national security advisor Robert McFarlane had actually given the PROMIS software to the Israeli government.

The reports were based on the allegations of former Israeli intelligence agent Ari Ben-Menashe, who said the software was given to the Israel Defense Force signals Intelligence Unit in 1982. According to papers filed in the Inslaw case, the software was to be used to penetrate the computers of unsuspecting foreign companies that had also been provided with the same software. (Ben-Menashe was the primary source for a new book on the Israeli nuclear arms program called Samson Option, by former New York Times correspondant Seymour Hersh. The book, which claims that Israel has more than 300 nuclear warheads aimed at Arab and Soviet cities, quotes Ben-Menashe as saying that Israeli spies working in the United States stole secrets which were then passed on to the Soviet Union by the Israeli government).

McFarlane, who was deputy director of the National Security Council at the time, has denied the charges. The former national security advisor to Ronald Reagan, who also worked with Oliver North, plead guilty last year to lying to Congress in connection with the Iran-Contra scandal.

Ben-Menashe served 12 years in the Israel Defense Force, including two years as an intelligence consultant to Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, before leaving in 1989. In an affidavit filed in the Inslaw case in March, Ben-Menashe said he attended a 1987 meeting in Tel Aviv where Dr. Earl W. Brian made a sales pitch for increased use of the PROMIS software by the Israeli defense establishment.

Also in a sworn statement, self-proclaimed Iranian arms dealer Richard Babayan told of the alleged involvement of Brian in the illegal sale of PROMIS to Iraq and South Korea. Babayan, who was recently being held in a federal jail in Miami on fraud charges, also said former Air Force Maj. Gen. Richard Secord was present at a 1987 meeting with Iraqi officials in Baghdad ,during which Earl Brian made a PROMIS sales pitch.

The CIA Drug Connection
In his book, The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade, Alfred W. McCoy tells how the CIA covert war in Laos, which began after the French defeat by the Vietnamese at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, paved the way for massive heroin shipments to the United States. The CIA offered protection for Hmong tribes in the mountains along the Chinese border to enlist them as soldiers in the early years of the Vietnam war.

In return Laotian generals supplied heroin to the crime syndicates in Saigon. McCoy estimates that more than one third of all United States troops in Vietnam became addicted to heroin supplied by gangsters associated with the same South Vietnamese government U.S. troops were supposed to be protecting.

The CIA station chief in Laos at the height of the heroin operation, from 1966-1968, was Theodore Shackley, who exercised overall command of the CIA's secret war in Laos. A friend of Shackley and the deputy CIA station chief operative was Thomas Clines, who handled the details of the Laos operation. Air Force Maj. Gen. Richard Secord was the air force liaison who supplied most of the aircraft essential for combat in northern Laos. Heroin was often shipped aboard aircraft operated by a CIA front company called Air America until revelations of the Laos operation forced a name change. The descendant of Air America became the air wing of the Central American Contra war supply operation, a company known as Southern Air Transport.

By 1977, the CIA had undergone a major reorganization by then President Jimmy Carter, responding to the disclosure of criminal activities by the CIA, including domestic spying and the activities of rogue CIA operative Edmund Wilson. After being convicted of running a private arms supply operation to Libya, Wilson was handed down a life sentence.

Wilson was a good friend and associate of both Theodore Shackley and Thomas Clines from the days of the CIA's covert war in Laos. Because of the connection to Wilson and over the objection of senior CIA bureaucrats , Shackley and Clines were both demoted and forced to resign from the agency by then CIA director Stansfield Turner. After retiring, Clines and Shackley went into business arranging arms sales for various countries. In the 1980's, when then Marine Lt. Col. Oliver North, who was operating under the command of National Security Council chief Robert McFarlane, formed a secret network to arm the Contras fighting the Sandinista government in Nicaragua, he recruited recently retired General Richard Secord to operate the arms pipeline. Secord went on to tell a Congressional committee investigating the Iran-Contra affair that he recruited his former "close associate from CIA days", Thomas Clines, to assist in carrying out the Contra war.

Massachusetts Senator John Kerry's subcommittee looking into allegations of cocaine trafficking by the pilots who were flying the arms shipments to the Contras from the United states, heard testimony from five witnesses who claimed direct personal knowledge of the involvement of CIA operatives in the cocaine trade. At the heart of the allegations is an American, John Hull, who operated a ranch in Costa Rica, used to stage Contra attacks against Nicaragua.

Hull was named two years ago in a Costa Rican government investigation as a drug trafficker and was later banned from living in Costa Rica. Hull was also implicated by the Costa Ricans in an assassination attempt against a recalcitrant Contra commander named Eden Pastora. The bombing killed several journalists who were interviewing Pastora at the time of the blast.

The Banks
In December of 1989, U.S. troops invaded Panama and seized Panamanian dictator Manuel Noriega, destroying a poor neighborhood and killing more than 3,000 civilians in the process. The purpose of the attack was to unseat Noriega, who had been indicted in Florida for allowing Panama to be used as a waystation for cocaine traffickers. While several mid-level drug dealers with knowledge of the international trade recently interviewed by the Shadow scoff at Noriega's role in the drug trade as "inconsequential", the role of Panamanian banks was, and is still important. Panama has some of the world's least strict banking laws, which allow for the laundering of vast sums of drug money from the U.S. to the Colombian cocaine cartels. In his book Crimes of Patriots, Jonathan Kwitney exposes the role of the Australian Nugan-Hand Bank in financing covert activities and heroin trafficking in Southeast Asia. The bank's mysterious growth and demise traces the reach of the tentacles of the Octopus.

The bank was founded by Frank Nugan, an insecure and incompetent Australian lawyer , and by Michael John Hand, a man with a high school degree who had gone to Vietnam with the Green Berets. He had served in Laos in the 1960's as a contract CIA operative, fighting with Thomas Clines, Theodore Shackley and Richard Secord, all very big names in the Iran-Contra scandal

Michael John Hand worked with William Colby, who had been CIA director during the time Shackley was in charge of the CIA office in Laos. Colby went on to become legal counsel for the Nugan-Hand bank where he worked with Michael Hand who was also a veteran of the CIA-run Laos war.

After allegations of drug smuggling against the bank surfaced in 1977, the Australian government began a fraud investigation into the bank's operation, and in 1980 Frank Nugan committed suicide. The investigations uncovered a network of money laundering, drug and arms dealing and still mysterious ties to the CIA.

In 1988, agents of the United States Customs Office in Tampa entrapped officials of BCCI in a drug money laundering scheme. In the ensuing years, the scandal widened until 1991, when the British government seized the bank on fraud charges.

Bank of Credit and Commerce International
BCCI was established in 1972 by Agha Hasan Abedi, who was president of Pakistan's largest private bank. Abedi had close connections to the rulers of the oil rich Persian gulf kingdom of Abu Dhabi, and spread his banking empire throughout the Arab world. BCCI eventually grew to have branches in 73 countries and with $20 billion in assets, BCCI became the 7th largest private bank in the world.

In July the Senate banking committee held hearing into BCCI and called several investigators, former customs chief William Von Rabb and Democratic party power broker Clark Clifford. It was revealed at the hearings that Clifford had lent his name in return for cash payments as a director of First American, a bank secretly purchased by BCCI in violation of United States banking laws.

While the Senate brought up questions of impropriety by BCCI, the Senators avoided some of the most sensitive questions raised about CIA involvement in the bank. Author Alfred McCoy discussed one of those unanswered questions with the Shadow, the expansion of the heroin trade from Southeast Asia to the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Beginning shortly before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, the CIA armed the small Afghan guerilla group under the control of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, a favorite of the Pakistani Intelligence Service, and a Moslem fundamentalist noted for throwing acid in the face of Moslem university women who refused to wear veils. Built up into a formidable military force by the CIA, the Hekmatyar army seized prime Afghan land and used it to grow poppy plants, the raw material for heroin production.

The size of the heroin shipments from Afghanistan grew with the involvement of the Pakistan military. By the time of the 1988 plane crash that killed Pakistani dictator Zia ul-Haq, heroin trafficking was widespread among the ranks of officers in the Pakistan military. Heroin trafficking from Pakistan soon outstripped shipments from Southeast Asia and by 1991 more than 60% of the heroin sold on the streets of New York City originated in Afghanistan.

Alfred McCoy speculates that if a congressional investigation would ask tough questions about BCCI, it would uncover drug trafficking and money laundering by United States allies protected from prosecution by the CIA. McCoy told the Shadow, "I think what we'll possibly discover is that the CIA was shipping its funds into Pakistan through BCCI, protecting BCCI thereby from serious investigations elsewhere in the world. That the Pakistan military were in fact banking their drug profits, moving their drug profits from the consuming country back to Pakistan though BCCI.

In fact the boom in the Pakistan drug trade was financed by BCCI. The interrelationship between the Afghan resistance and the CIA and the Pakistan drug trade can all be seen through the medium of BCCI, the banker to both operations, the resistance and the drug trade."

The BCCI story brings full circle the theory of the Octopus, the existence of a small group of intelligence operatives involved in the major scandals of our time, a theory developed by Danny Casolaro to explain the theft of PROMIS software by the United States Justice Department.

Inslaw and BCCI
The next aspect of the investigation into the Inslaw affair is the connection to BCCI. Allegations have been repeated that monies raised through the illegal sales of PROMIS software were laundered through BCCI. It begs the question, "how could BCCI be operating without the bank regulators doing anything about it when obviously there were flags going up and there was evidence going back seven, eight years that BCCI was involved in rug-running and in laundering of drug money, and in various nefarious schemes?"

The reason that the regulators and the Congressional hearings don't seem to want to touch upon it is that, very possibly and probably, BCCI had direct ties to the Justice Department and to the regulators who were supposed to be watching the store. In fact, the reason that BCCI was not investigated and not prosecuted a lot earlier for its activities was because it was providing necessary services -- a full service bank.

Energy Department’s Clean-Up Plans At Former Nuclear Weapons Plant Not Thorough

August 24, 2004

Rocky Flats Grand Jury Records May Show Hidden Radioactivity

DENVER, Colorado, August 20, 2004 (ENS) - A former plutonium worker at Rocky Flats Nuclear site says the U.S. Department of Energy has "made false representations to the regulators as the basis of cleanup plans" at the former nuclear weapons production plant near Denver. Jacque Brever held a news conference in Denver Wednesday to warn that large areas of land contaminated with radioactive and toxic wastewater were omitted from the cleanup now underway at Rocky Flats.

Rocky Flats is scheduled to become a federal wildlife refuge in 2006, but Brever and FBI agent Jon Lipsky are among those who told reporters that recreation on Rocky Flats lands would be dangerous.

"The Department of Energy's cleanup of the area immediately adjacent to and upgradient from the majority of the public recreational areas in the wildlife refuge violates the regulatory standards in two places," Brever said in her report.

"Together with eight other nearby areas of residual contamination, this poses a risk of public exposure to contamination because, as DOE admits, these areas are prone to earth movement," she wrote. Brever worked in "the snake pit," one of the most hazardous areas in Building 771 at Rocky Flats, a structure later designated the most dangerous building in America.

Lipsky, the FBI agent who led the June 1989 raid on Rocky Flats that sparked a grand jury investigation of environmental crimes at the weapons production plant, spoke briefly to reporters, saying that his superiors in the FBI ordered him not to talk about the Rocky Flats case.

It was to have been the first time Lipsky spoke publicly about his participation in the FBI raid or a subsequent citizens' investigation of the contamination at Rocky Flats. Although still an FBI agent, he appeared as a public citizen because of his concerns about public safety.

"I urge you not to use Rocky Flats as a playground," Lipsky said. "Some of the things DOE has told you about Rocky Flats are just not true."

Also at the news conference was the grand jury foreman, Wes McKinley, co-author of "The Ambushed Grand Jury," a book published this spring alleging a DOE coverup of environmental crimes at Rocky Flats.

McKinley, the grand jury foreman, says in the book that the Justice Department made a deal with Rockwell Corporation, then the site's operator, to pay an $18.5 million fine to avoid indictments of company and Energy Department officials for covering up illegal waste dumping, illegal burning of contaminated materials and falsification of records.

The grand jury wanted to indict eight - six individuals and two corporations - but the Justice Department decided not to follow through with the indictment.

The grand jury was disbanded and its report was sealed. In March, a federal judge rejected a petition by grand jury members to release the report. In May, federal and state agencies and Colorado Congressman Mark Udall asked the U.S. Attorney in Colorado to unseal the grand jury records.

U.S. Attorney John Suthers says he is willing to have state and federal agencies review the grand jury documents to determine if there is any contamination not known to those agencies responsible for the cleanup of the former nuclear weapons production facility.

Suthers, in a letter to Udall, says he does not think his office has any information that is not already known to the cleanup agencies, but he is willing to make the documents available to them anyway.

“There has been an enormous amount of environmental testing at the Rocky Flats site ever since the prosecution of this concluded over a decade ago and no one in our office believes that there is any evidence of contamination at Rocky Flats contained in Justice Department files which is not otherwise known to the multiple agencies that have been responsible for the cleanup," Suthers wrote.

"Nevertheless, we would be willing to have agents of the Department of Energy, the EPA and the Colorado Department of Health and Environment review the 65 boxes of documents to determine if any information would be useful to them in the continuing cleanup process,” Suthers wrote.

Suthers also said that if there are any questions about whether the information is subject to the grand jury secrecy rule, he would ask the courts to allow its disclosure.

To date the grand jury records have not been released.

Udall, who co-sponsored the Rocky Flats National Wildlife Refuge Act, said, “I have always thought that if the Justice Department has any information that would be useful to the cleanup of Rocky Flats that is now underway, it should be made available to those agencies responsible for the cleanup. So I’m pleased the U.S. Attorney’s office has agreed to make the grand jury investigation documents available to the cleanup agencies and I urge those agencies to follow through." On Saturday Brever and McKinley are speaking in Boulder, Colorado, a university town only nine miles from Rocky Flats. Their topic is "How To Survive Radioactive Recreation at Rocky Flats National Wildlife Refuge."

They will display maps showing where radioactivity remains in the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service proposed Recreation Area.

Brever will conduct a decontamination demonstration showing people how to avoid tracking radioactivity into their homes if they do choose to hike on the former Rocky Flats lands.

One year ago, on August 19, 2003, Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham announced proudly that all the weapons usable plutonium had been removed from Rocky Flats, "a full 12 years ahead of schedule."

“This accomplishment is probably the most important milestone of the Rocky Flats Closure Project to date,” said Department of Energy Rocky Flats Site Manager Gene Schmitt at the time. “It also saves close to $2 million in security costs each month that can be applied directly to accomplishing more cleanup work.”

“With the plutonium removed from Rocky Flats, we will focus our resources on the final demolition of the site," said then Kaiser-Hill President and CEO Alan Parker, the company in charge of the environmental cleanup operation. “This accomplishment will enable easier access to the former production buildings allowing faster and safer cleanup.”

The Rocky Flats weapons plant was responsible for the fabrication of all the plutonium triggers currently at use in the nation’s nuclear stockpile.

Visit Rocky Flats online at:

View the "Ambushed Grand Jury" at: Copyright Environment News Service (ENS) 2004. All Rights Reserved.

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Boeing bought Rockwell in 1996? Why?


Boeing Company
Rocky Flats Radioactive Waste Pollution
Date:  06/02/2008 (Date of Final Judgment)

Misconduct Type:  Environment
Enforcement Agency:  Non-Governmental
Contracting Party:  Energy
Court Type:  Civil
Amount:  $89,400,000

Disposition:  Judgment Against Defendant

Synopsis:  A Denver federal court ordered Boeing and Dow Chemical Company to pay 12,000 homeowners $926 million for contaminating their property with radioactive waste from the Department of Energy’s Rocky Flats Nuclear Weapons Plant.

The court fined Dow $653.3 million and Boeing $508.1 million in compensatory damages, but set a cap of $725.9 million dollars for both companies. The court also fined Dow $110.8 million and Boeing $89.4 million in punitive damages.

The fines were imposed pursuant to a February 2006 jury verdict that found the companies responsible for plutonium waste that leaked from the plant, located 15 miles northwest of Denver. The homeowners originally filed suit in 1990 against Dow and defense contractor Rockwell International Corp., which Boeing acquired in 1996.

The final judgment notes that Boeing “is successor-in-interest to Rockwell International Corporation and has represented to the Court that it is answerable for any judgment rendered against Rockwell International Corporation in this matter.” Dow operated the Rocky Flats plant from 1953 to 1975, and Rockwell from 1975 until it closed in 1994.
Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth: therefore despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty: For he maketh sore, and bindeth up: he woundeth, and his hands make whole ; He shall deliver thee in six troubles: yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee. - Job 5