Population Dynamics: The Sociological and Antropological Intellectual Endgame

[jesqueal]

This PhD report will focus on how the study of how societies operate has been useful to wars and conflicts, with the grand goal of applying those teachings upon the western world.

The Elites KNOW humanity, how we tick, our ins and outs, what buttons to press for a desired reaction. This has become an academic study over the past 70 years, but it is older than this. It's earliest roots are in Babylonian mystery, which is arguably a study designed to teach how to operate humanity.

There's a war on for your mind
- Alex Jones





This is urban warfare through the streets of your psychology
- Immortal Technique

“The older dictators fell because they could never supply their subjects with enough
bread, enough circuses, enough miracles, and mysteries. Under a scientific dictatorship,
education will really work, with the result that most men and women will grow up to love
their servitude and will never dream of revolution. There seems to be no good reason why
a thoroughly scientific dictatorship should ever be overthrown.”

- Huxley, Brave New World Revisited

“Calculations of the future and how to modify it are no longer considered to be an
obscure academic pursuit. Long range planning and implementation of plans will be made
by a technological scientific elite. This will strain the democratic fabric to the
ripping point. The Protestant ethic will of atrophy as more and more enjoyed a very
leisured and guaranteed sustenance. Work as a means and an end of living will diminish.

Most people will tend to be hedonistic, and a dominant elite will provide the bread and
circuses to keep social dissension and disruption at a minimum. A small elite will carry
societies burdens. The resulting impersonal manipulation of most peoples lifestyles will
be softened by provision for pleasure seeking and guaranteed physical necessities. The
controlling elite will engage in power plays, largely without the involvement of most of
the people. The Society will be a leisurely one. People will study, play and travel.
Some will be in various stages of drug induced experiences. Each individual will receive
at birth, a multi-purpose identification, which will have amongst other things extensive
communications and control uses. Each individual will be saturated with ideas of
information. Each will be self selected, other kinds will be imposed, overtly by those
who assumed the responsibility for the others actions. Relatively few individuals will
be able to maintain control over their opinions. Most will be pawns of competing opinion
molders.”

Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) sponsored 1969 study: ‘The Behavioral Science
Teacher Educational Program’ - now fully integrated within America's educational program.

Anthropology and Counterinsurgency: The Strange Story of their Curious Relationship
http://www.army.mil/professionalwriting/volumes/volume3/august_2005/7_05_2.html
Something mysterious is going on inside the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD). Over the past 2 years, senior leaders have been calling for something unusual and unexpected-cultural knowledge of the adversary. In august 2004, retired Major General Robert H. Scales, Jr., wrote an article for the Naval War College's Proceedings magazine that opposed the commonly held view within the U.S. military that success in war is best achieved by overwhelming technological advantage. Scales argues that the type of conflict we are now witnessing in Iraq requires "an exceptional ability to understand people, their culture, and their motivation." 1 In October 2004, Arthur Cebrowski, Director of the Office of Force Transformation, concluded that "knowledge of one's enemy and his culture and society may be more important than knowledge of his order of battle."2 In November 2004, the Office of Naval Research and the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) sponsored the Adversary Cultural Knowledge and National Security Conference, the first major DOD conference on the social sciences since 1962.

Why has cultural knowledge suddenly become such an imperative? Primarily because traditional methods of warfighting have proven inadequate in Iraq and Afghanistan. U.S. technology, training, and doctrine designed to counter the Soviet threat are not designed for low-intensity counterinsurgency operations where civilians mingle freely with combatants in complex urban terrain.

The major combat operations that toppled Saddam Hussein's regime were relatively simple because they required the U.S. military to do what it does best-conduct maneuver warfare in flat terrain using overwhelming firepower with air support. However, since the end of the "hot" phase of the war, coalition forces have been fighting a complex war against an enemy they do not understand. The insurgents' organizational structure is not military, but tribal. Their tactics are not conventional, but asymmetrical. Their weapons are not tanks and fighter planes, but improvised explosive devices (IEDs). They do not abide by the Geneva Conventions, nor do they appear to have any informal rules of engagement.

Countering the insurgency in Iraq requires cultural and social knowledge of the adversary. Yet, none of the elements of U.S. national power-diplomatic, military, intelligence, or economic-explicitly take adversary culture into account in the formation or execution of policy. This cultural knowledge gap has a simple cause-the almost total absence of anthropology within the national-security establishment.

.Once called "the handmaiden of colonialism," anthropology has had a long, fruitful relationship with various elements of national power, which ended suddenly following the Vietnam War. The strange story of anthropology's birth as a warfighting discipline, and its sudden plunge into the abyss of postmodernism, is intertwined with the U.S. failure in Vietnam. The curious and conspicuous lack of anthropology in the national-security arena since the Vietnam War has had grave consequences for countering the insurgency in Iraq, particularly because political policy and military operations based on partial and incomplete cultural knowledge are often worse than none at all.

...

Winning on the battlefield is irrelevant against an insurgent adversary because the struggle for power and legitimacy among competing factions has no purely military solution. Often, the application of overwhelming force has the negative, unintended effect of strengthening the insurgency by creating martyrs, increasing recruitment, and demonstrating the "brutality" of state forces.

The alternative approach to fighting insurgency, such as the British eventually adopted through trial and error in Northern Ireland, involves the following: A comprehensive plan to alleviate the political conditions behind the insurgency; civil-military cooperation; the application of minimum force; deep intelligence; and an acceptance of the protracted nature of the conflict. Deep cultural knowledge of the adversary is inherent to the British approach.

Although cultural knowledge of the adversary matters in counterinsurgency, it has little importance in major combat operations. Because the Powell- Weinberger doctrine meant conventional, large-scale war was the only acceptable type of conflict, no discernable present or future need existed to develop doctrine and expertise in unconventional war, including counterinsurgency. Thus, there was no need to incorporate cultural knowledge into doctrine, training, or warfighting. Until now, that is.

...

In Britain the development and growth of anthropology was deeply connected to colonial administration. As early as 1908, anthropologists began training administrators of the Sudanese civil service. This relationship was quickly institutionalized: in 1921, the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures was established with financing from various colonial governments, and Lord Lugard, the former governor of Nigeria, became head of its executive council. The organization's mission was based on Bronislaw Malinowski's article, "Practical Anthropology," which argued that anthropological knowledge should be applied to solve the problems faced by colonial administrators, including those posed by "savage law, economics, customs, and institutions." Anthropological knowledge was frequently useful, especially in understanding the power dynamics in traditional societies. In 1937, for example, the Royal Anthropological Institute's Standing Committee on Applied Anthropology noted that anthropological research would "indicate the persons who hold key positions in the community and whose influence it would be important to enlist on the side of projected reforms." In the words of Lord Hailey, anthropologists were indeed "of great assistance in providing Government with knowledge which must be the basis of administrative policy."

...

Successful counterinsurgency depends on attaining a holistic, total understanding of local culture. This cultural understanding must be thorough and deep if it is to have any practical benefit at all. This fact is not lost on the Army. In the language of interim FM 3-07.22: "The center of gravity in counterinsurgency operations is the population. Therefore, understanding the local society and gaining its support is critical to success. For U.S. forces to operate effectively among a local population and gain and maintain their support, it is important to develop a thorough understanding of the society and its culture, including its history, tribal/family/social structure, values, religions, customs, and needs."


Case in Point: Project Camelot

Project Camelot was a social science research project of the United States Army in 1964. The goal of the project was to assess the causes of violent social rebellion and to identify the actions a government could take to prevent its own overthrow.

CAMELOT was a United States Army program, not an operation of the Central Intelligence Agency. The work was performed by a subcontractor to what was then called the Special Operations Research Office (SORO) at American University, which was renamed the Center for Research in Social Systems (CRESS) after the CAMELOT fiasco.


From the same military paper as above:
Testifying before the U.S. Congress in 1965, R.L. Sproul, director of DARPA said: "It is [our] primary thesis that remote area warfare is controlled in a major way by the environment in which the warfare occurs, by the sociological and anthropological characteristics of the people involved in the war, and by the nature of the conflict itself."

The recognition within DOD that research and development efforts to support counterinsurgency operations must be oriented toward the local human terrain led to the establishment of the Special Operations Research Office (SORO) at the American University in Washington, D.C. With anthropologists and other social scientists on staff, SORO functioned as a research center into the human dimension of counterinsurgency.

In 1964, SORO also designed the infamous Project Camelot. According to a letter from the Office of the Director of the Special Operations Research Office, Project Camelot was "a study whose objective [was] to determine the feasibility of developing a general social systems model which would make it possible to predict and influence politically significant aspects of social change in the developing nations of the world." The project's objectives were "to devise procedures for assessing the potential for internal war within national societies; to identify with increased degrees of confidence those actions which a government might take to relieve conditions which are assessed as giving rise to a potential for internal war; [and] to assess the feasibility of prescribing the characteristics of a system for obtaining and using the essential information needed for doing the above two things."

Project Camelot, which was initiated during a time when the military took counterinsurgency seriously as an area of competency, recognized the need for social science insights. According to the director's letter: "Within the Army there is especially ready acceptance of the need to improve the general understanding of the processes of social change if the Army is to discharge its responsibilities in the overall counterinsurgency program of the U.S. Government.


History of "The Science of Coercion"

Excerpts from The Science of Coercion, Christopher Simpson, Oxford University Press, 1994 hosted here:
http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/SIM311A.html
During the second half of the 1930s, the Rockefeller Foundation underwrote much of the most innovative communication research then under way in the United States. There was virtually no federal support for the social sciences at the time, and corporate backing for the field usually remained limited to proprietary marketing studies. The foundation's administrators believed, however, that mass media constituted a uniquely powerful force in modem society...and financed a new project on content analysis for Harold Lasswell at the Library of Congress, Hadley Cantril's Public Opinion Research Project at Princeton University, the establishment of Public Opinion Quarterly at Princeton, Douglas Waples' newspaper and reading studies at the University of Chicago, Paul Lazarsfeld's Office of Radio Research at Columbia University, and other important programs.

As war approached, the Rockefeller Foundation clearly favored efforts designed to find a "democratic prophylaxis" that could immunize the United States' large immigrant population from the effects of Soviet and Axis propaganda. In 1939, the foundation organized a series of secret seminars with men it regarded as leading communication scholars to enlist them in an effort to consolidate public opinion in the United States in favor of war against Nazi Germany -- a controversial proposition opposed by many conservatives, religious leaders, and liberals at the time -- and to articulate a reasonably clear-cut set of ideological and methodological preconceptions for the emerging field of communication research.

Harold Lasswell, who had the ear of foundation administrator John Marshall at these gatherings, over the next two years won support for a theory that seemed to resolve the conflict between the democratic values that are said to guide U.S. society, on the one hand, and the manipulation and deceit that often lay at the heart of projects intended to engineer mass consent, on the other. Briefly, the elite of U.S. society ("those who have money to support research," as Lasswell bluntly put it) should systematically manipulate mass sentiment in order to preserve democracy from threats posed by authoritarian societies such as Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union.

One Rockefeller seminar participant, Donald Slesinger (former dean of the social science at the University of Chicago), blasted Lasswell's claims as using a democratic guise to tacitly accept the objectives and methods of a new form of authoritarianism. "We [the Rockefeller seminar] have been willing, without thought, to sacrifice both truth and human individuality in order to bring about given mass responses to war stimuli," Slesinger contended. "We have thought in terms of fighting dictatorships- by-force through the establishment of dictatorship-by-manipulation. Slesinger's view enjoyed some support from other participants and from Rockefeller Foundation officers such as Joseph Willits, who criticized what he described as authoritarian or even fascist aspects of Lasswell's arguments. Despite this resistance, the social polarization created by the approaching war strongly favored Lasswell, and in the end he enjoyed substantial new funding and an expanded staff courtesy of the foundation. Slesinger, on the other hand, drifted away from the Rockefeller seminars and appears to have rapidly lost influence within the community of academic communication specialists.

The phrase "psychological warfare" is reported to have first entered English in 1941 as a translated mutation of the Nazi term Weltanschauungskrieg (literally, worldview warfare), meaning the purportedly scientific application of propaganda, terror, and state pressure as a means of securing an ideological victory over one's enemies. 31 William "Wild Bill" Donovan, then director of the newly established U.S. intelligence agency Office of Strategic Services (OSS), viewed an understanding of Nazi psychological tactics as a vital source of ideas for "Americanized" versions of many of the same stratagems. Use of the new term quickly became widespread throughout the U.S. intelligence community. For Donovan psychological warfare was destined to become a full arm of the U.S. military, equal in status to the army, navy, and air force.

"Donovan's concept of psychological warfare was all-encompassing," writes Colonel Alfred Paddock, who has specialized in this subject for the U.S. Army War College. "Donovan's visionary dream was to unify these functions in support of conventional (military) unit operations, thereby forging a 'new instrument of war.'"

These projects helped define U.S. social science and mass communication studies long after the war had drawn to a close. Virtually all of the scientific community that was to emerge during the 1950s as leaders in the field of mass communication research spent the war years performing applied studies on U.S. and foreign propaganda, Allied troop morale, public opinion (both domestically and internationally), clandestine OSS operations, or the then emerging technique of deriving useful intelligence from analysis of newspapers, magazines, radio broadcasts, and postal censorship intercepts.

Lists of social scientists and scholarly contractors can be discovered at each of the government's centers of wartime communications and public opinion research.

The practical significance of these social linkages has been explored by social psychologist John A. Clausen, who is a veteran of Samuel Stouffer's Research Branch. Clausen made a systematic study during the early 1980s of the postwar careers of his former colleagues who had gone into the fields of public opinion research, sociology, and psychology. Some twenty-five of twenty-seven veterans who could be located responded to his questionnaire; of these, twenty-four reported that their wartime work had had "lasting implications" and "a major influence on [their] subsequent career." Clausen quotes the reply of psychologist Nathan Maccoby (Stanford): "The Research Branch not only established one of the best old-boy (or girl) networks ever, but an alumnus of the Branch had an open door to most relevant jobs and career lines. We were a lucky bunch." Nearly three-fifths of the respondents indicated that the Research Branch experience "had a major influence on the direction or character of their work in the decade after the war," Clausen continues, "and all but three of the remainder indicated a substantial influence.... [F]ully three-fourths reported the Branch experience to have been a very important influence on their careers as a whole."

The common experience created a network of professional contacts that almost all respondents to the survey found to be very valuable in their subsequent careers. They tapped these contacts later for professional opportunities and for project funding, according to Clausen. "Perhaps most intriguing" in this regard, Clausen writes, was the number of our members who became foundation executives. Charles Dollard became president of Carnegie. Donald Young shifted from the presidency of SSRC [Social Science Research Council] to that of Russell Sage, where he ultimately recruited Leonard Cottrell. Leland DeVinney went from Harvard to the Rockefeller Foundation. William McPeak ... helped set up the Ford Foundation and became its vice president. W. Parker Mauldin became vice president of the Population Council. The late Lyle Spencer [of Science Research Associates] . . . endowed a foundation that currently supports a substantial body of social science research. 52

There was a somewhat similar sociometric effect among veterans of OWI propaganda projects. OWI's overseas director Edward Barrett points out that old-boy networks rooted in common wartime experiences in psychological warfare extended well beyond the social sciences. "Among Office of War Information alumni," he wrote in 1953, are the publishers of Time, Look, Fortune, and several dailies; editors of such magazines as Holiday, Coronet, Parade, and the Saturday Review, editors of the Denver Post. New Orleans Times-Picayune, and others; the heads of the Viking Press, Harper & Brothers, and Farrar, Straus and Young; two Hollywood Oscar winners; a two-time Pulitzer prizewinner; the board chairman of CBS and a dozen key network executives; President Eisenhower's chief speech writer; the editor of Reader's Digest international editions; at least six partners of large advertising agencies; and a dozen noted social scientists.


Communications Studies In Modern Academic Form

Again from: http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/SIM311A.html
 Turning to a consideration of CIA-sponsored psychological warfare studies, one finds a wealth of evidence showing that projects secretly funded by the CIA played a prominent role in U.S. mass communication studies during the middle and late 1950s. The secrecy that surrounds any CIA operation makes complete documentation impossible, but the fragmentary information that is now available permits identification of several important examples.

The first is the work of Albert Hadley Cantril (better known as Hadley Cantril), a noted "founding father" of modem mass communication studies. Cantril was associate director of the famous Princeton Radio Project from 1937 to 1939, a founder and longtime director of Princeton's Office of Public Opinion Research, and a founder of the Princeton Listening Center, which eventually evolved into the CIA-financed Foreign Broadcast Information Service. Cantril's work at Princeton is widely recognized as "the first time that academic social science took survey research seriously, and it was the first attempt to collect and collate systematically survey findings." Cantril's The Psychology of Radio, written with Gordon Allport, is often cited as a seminal study in mass communication theory and research, and his surveys of public opinion in European and Third World countries defined the subfield of international public opinion studies for more than two decades.

Cantril's career had been closely bound up with U.S. intelligence and clandestine psychological operations since at least the late 1930s. The Office of Public Opinion Research, for example, enjoyed confidential contracts from the Roosevelt administration for research into U.S. public opinion on the eve of World War 11. Cantril went on to serve as the senior public opinion specialist of the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (an early U.S. intelligence agency led by Nelson Rockefeller and focusing on Latin America), of the World War II Office of War Information, and, in a later period, as an adviser to President Eisenhower on the psychological aspects of foreign policy. During the Kennedy administration, Cantril helped reorganize the U.S. Information Agency.

According to the New York Times, the CIA provided Cantril and his colleague Lloyd Free with $1 million in 1956 to gather intelligence on popular attitudes in countries of interest to the agency. The Rockefeller Foundation appears to have laundered the money for Cantril, because Cantril repeatedly claimed in print that the monies had come from that source. However, the Times and Cantril's longtime partner, Lloyd Free, confirmed after Cantril's death that the true source of the funds had been the CIA.

Cantril's first target was a study of the political potential of "protest" voters in France and Italy, who were regarded as hostile to U.S. foreign Policy. That was followed by a 1958 tour of the Soviet Union under private, academic cover, to gather information on the social psychology of the Soviet population and on "mass" relationships with the Soviet elite. Cantril's report on this topic went directly to then president Eisenhower; its thrust was that treating the Soviets firmly, but with greater respect -- rather than openly ridiculing them, as had been Secretary of State John Foster Dulles' practice -- could help improve East-West relations. Later Cantril missions included studies of Castro's supporters in Cuba and reports on the social psychology of a series of countries that could serve as a checklist of CIA interventions of the period: Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Egypt, India, Nigeria, Philippines, Poland, and others.

An important focus of Cantril's work under the CIA's contract were surveys of U.S. domestic public opinion on foreign policy and domestic political issues -- a use of government funds many observers would argue was illegal. There, Cantril introduced an important methodological innovation by breaking out political opinions by respondents' demographic characteristics and their place on a U.S. ideological spectrum he had devised -- a forerunner of the political opinion analysis techniques that would revolutionize U.S. election campaigns during the 1980s.

A second-and perhaps more important -- example of the CIA's role in U.S. mass communication studies during the 1950s was the work of the Center for International Studies (CENIS) at MIT. The CIA became the principal funder of this institution throughout the 1950s, although neither the CENIS nor the CIA is known to have publicly provided details on their relationship. It has been widely reported, however, that the CIA financed the initial establishment of the CENIS; that the agency underwrote publication of certain CENIS studies in both classified and nonclassified editions; that CENIS served as a conduit for CIA funds for researchers at other institutions, particularly the Center for Russian Research at Harvard; that the director of CENIS, Max Millikan, had served as assistant director of the CIA immediately prior to his assumption of the CENIS post; and that Millikan served as a "consultant to the Central Intelligence Agency," as State Department records put it, during his tenure as director of CENIS.  In 1966, CENIS scholar Ithiel de Sola Pool acknowledged that CENIS "has in the past had contracts with the CIA," though he insisted the CIA severed its links with CENIS following a bitter scandal in the early 1960s.

CENIS emerged as one of me most important centers of communication studies midway through the 1950s, and it maintained that role for the remainder of the decade. According to CENIS's official account, the funding for its communications research was provided by a four- year, $850,000 grant from the Ford Foundation, which was distributed under the guidance of an appointed planning committee made up of Hans Speier (chair), Jerome Bruner, Wallace Carroll, Harold Lasswell, Paul Lazarsfeld, Edward Shils, and Ithiel de Sola Pool (secretary). It is not known whether Ford's funds were in fact CIA monies. The Ford Foundation's archives make clear, however, that the foundation was at that time underwriting the costs of the CIA's principal propaganda project aimed at intellectuals, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, with a grant of $500,000 made at CIA request, and that the Ford Foundation's director, John McCloy (who will be remembered here for his World War II psychological warfare work), had established a regular liaison with the CIA for the specific purpose of managing Ford Foundation cover for CIA projects. Of the men on CENIS's communication studies planning committee, Edward Shils was simultaneously a leading spokesman for the CIA-backed Congress for Cultural Freedom Project; Hans Speier was the RAND Corporation's director of social science research; and Wallace Carroll was a journalist specializing in national security issues who had produced a series of classified reports on clandestine warfare against the Soviet Union for U.S. military intelligence agencies. In short, CENIS communication studies were from their inception closely bound up with both overt and covert aspects of U.S. national security strategy of the day.

The CENIS program generated the large majority of articles on psychological warfare published by leading academic journals during the second half of the 1950s. CENIS's dominance in psychological warfare studies during this period was perhaps best illustrated by two special issues of POQ published in the spring of 1956 and the fall of 1958. Each was edited by CENIS scholars-by Ithiel de Sola Pool and Frank Bonilla and by Daniel Lerner, respectively -- and each was responsible for the preponderance of POQ articles concerning psychological warfare published that year. The collective titles for the special issues were "Studies in Political Communications" and "Attitude Research in Modernizing Areas."


Examples of Powerful Population Dynamic Studies

Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars
Full text here: http://www.theforbiddenknowledge.com/hardtruth/silentweaponsforquietwars.htm
The aviation field provided the greatest evolution in economic engineering by way of the mathematical theory of shock testing. In this process, a projectile is fired from an airframe on the ground and the impulse of the recoil is monitored by vibration transducers connected to the airframe and wired to chart recorders. By studying the echoes or reflections of the recoil impulse in the airframe, it is possible to discover critical vibrations in the structure of the airframe which either vibrations of the negine or aeolian vibrations of the wings, or a combination of the two, might reinforce resulting in a reconant self-destruction of the airframe in flight as an aircraft. From the standpoint of engineering, this means that the strengths and weaknesses of the structure of the airframe in terms of vibrational energy can be discovered and manipulated.

To use this method of airframe shock testing in economic engineering, the prices of commodities are shocked, and the public consumer reaction is monitored. The resulting echoes of the economic shock are interpreted theoretically by computers and the psycho-economic structure of the economy is thus discovered. It is by this process that partial differential and difference matricos are discovered that define the family household and make possible its evolution as an economic industry (dissipative consumer structure). Then the response of the household to future shocks can be predicted and manipulated, and society becomes a well regulated animal with its reins under the control of a sophisticated computer-regulated social energy bookkeeping system.

Everything that is expected from an ordinary weapon is expected from a silent weapon by its creators, but only in it its own manner of functioning.

It shoots situations, instead of bullets; propelled by data processing, instead of chemical reaction (explosion); originating from bits of data, instead of grains of gunpowder; from a computer, instead of a gun; operated by a computer programmer, instead of marksman; under the orders of a banking magnate, instead of a military general.

It makes no obvious explosive noises, causes no obvious physical or mental injuries, and does not obviously interfere with anyone's daily social life.

Yet it makes an unmistakable 'noise', causes unmistakable physical and mental damage, and unmistakably interferes with daily social life, i.e., unmistakable to a trained observer, one who knows what to look for.

The public cannot comprehend this weapon, and therefore cannot believe that they are being attached and subdued by a weapon.

The public might instinctively feel that something is wrong, but because of the technical nature of the silent weapon, they cannot express their feeling in a rational way, or handle the problem with intelligence. Therefore, they do not know how to cry for help, and do not know how to associate with others to defend themselves against it.

When a silent weapon is applied gradually to the public, the public adjusts/adapts to its presence and learns to tolerate its encroachment on their lives until the pressure (psychological via economic) becomes too great and they crack up.

Therefore, the silent weapon is a type of biological war fare. It attacks the vitality, options, and mobility of the individuals of a society by knowing, understanding, manipulating, and attacking their sources of natural and social energy, and their physical, mental, and emotional strengths and weaknesses.


Report From Iron Mountain - probably disinfo but useful for this report
Full text here: http://educate-yourself.org/nwo/reportironmountain1.shtml
This report utilizes socio-mechanical learning to discuss the institution of war and its domestic purposes.

Modern-day Use

Defence Dept's Sentient World
http://www.theregister.co.uk/2007/06/23/sentient_worlds/
Sentient world: war games on the grandest scale

Perhaps your real life is so rich you don't have time for another.

Even so, the US Department of Defense (DOD) may already be creating a copy of you in an alternate reality to see how long you can go without food or water, or how you will respond to televised propaganda.

The DOD is developing a parallel to Planet Earth, with billions of individual "nodes" to reflect every man, woman, and child this side of the dividing line between reality and AR.

Called the Sentient World Simulation (SWS), it will be a "synthetic mirror of the real world with automated continuous calibration with respect to current real-world information", according to a concept paper for the project.

"SWS provides an environment for testing Psychological Operations (PSYOP)," the paper reads, so that military leaders can "develop and test multiple courses of action to anticipate and shape behaviors of adversaries, neutrals, and partners".

SWS also replicates financial institutions, utilities, media outlets, and street corner shops. By applying theories of economics and human psychology, its developers believe they can predict how individuals and mobs will respond to various stressors.

SEAS can display regional results for public opinion polls, distribution of retail outlets in urban areas, and the level of unorganization of local economies, which may point to potential areas of civil unrest

Yank a country's water supply. Stage a military coup. SWS will tell you what happens next...Homeland Security and the Defense Department are already using SEAS to simulate crises on the US mainland.

Military and intel officials can introduce fictitious agents into the simulations (such as a spike in unemployment, for example) to gauge their destabilising effects on a population.

Jim Blank, modelling and simulation division chief at JFCOM-J9, declined to discuss the specific routines military commanders are running in the Iraq and Afghanistan computer models. He did say SEAS might help officers determine where to position snipers in a city square, or to envision scenarios that might emerge from widespread civil unrest.

SEAS helps commanders consider the multitude of variables and outcomes possible in urban warfare, said Blank.

"Future wars will be asymetric in nature. They will be more non-kinetic, with the center of gravity being a population." (Jesqueal: The exact same line given to him in a report, above - press ctrl+f type "07.22")

The US Army is using SEAS to identify potential recruits.







Mockingbird
http://www.infowars.com/articles/military/psy-ops_meets_pr.htm
The Pentagon's use of the mainstream media to perpetuate lies and disinformation to influence not only the enemy we are engaging but the American people as a whole has been ongoing.





Schools

If the values component is not built into the elementary social studies curriculum from the very beginning, there will be no predictable change in pupil behavior. We have finally come to grips with the uncomfortable understanding that unless our pupils indicate by their behavior that they have not only understood but have internalized our high-minded goals relating to values, we have not succeeded.           
~Nancy W. Bauer,
"Guaranteeing the Values Component in Elementary School Social Studies,"
Social Education, January 1967

Americans have been led to believe over the years that reforming education is about improving reading or math skills or standardized academic achievement test scores, etcetera, etcetera, etcetera. However, when one considers that the U.S. has been drastically overhauling the education system for over four decades, why have improvements not materialized? In fact, the three R's (i.e. basic academics) have suffered, and the older traditional standardized achievement test scores have plummeted.
       
       The fact is that performance-based reforms have never been about improving students' knowledge of the three R's. The following quotes from the 1993 U.S. Department of Education publication titled School Change Models and Processes shed light on this dilemma. This booklet clearly explains the three waves of reform, which were initiated on the federal level in the '60s, in this way:       

Three perspectives that have been most influential in educational change are:
1) the rational-scientific perspective which posits that change is created by the dissemination of innovative techniques,
2) the political perspective (the top-down approach) which brings about change through legislation and other directives imposed by parties outside the school or districts, and
3) the cultural perspective (the bottom-up approach) which seeks to influence change by encouraging values changes within organizations.
Systemic Reform = Creating Cultural Change
       
       The publication goes on to say that "the cultural perspective... has become a dominant perspective or metaphor of major school redesign and restructuring efforts in the 1990s...." Little is said in this report about improving education, but much is said about "redesigning" and "restructuring" education. The report calls the type of reform that is implemented from the cultural perspective "systemic reform" and defines it in this way:"We see the use of innovative technical knowledge combined with staff development in the context of a school improvement approach that is multilevel, involving not only the school, the district, and the state agency but reaching out as well to create cultural change in the community" (emphasis added).
       
       Is it any wonder that so many public school students can't read and write well? Some students fail to read at all when they receive their high school diplomas. That's because public education is not about offering a broad knowledge base and opportunities for academic achievement any more. The truth is that public schools have become a vehicle for implementing the type of social reform envisioned by John Dewey and other progressive education reformers.       
       
       The concept of "systemic reform" has its roots in the progressive education reform movement. Systemic reform is not about making the schools stronger academically; it's about creating "cultural change in the community" through changing children's beliefs and behavior. At the heart of any culture is a belief system, and beliefs shape behavior. Christian beliefs have historically been at the heart of American culture. Bringing "cultural change" means changing what have traditionally been Christian beliefs, values and conduct.

       Not only are these third round reforms pervasive-going far beyond the walls of the schoolhouse-they are also well funded by powerful associations, private foundations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The main problem with these groups running the show is that they are not made up of elected officials, making them unaccountable to the people. Systemic reform involves appointing committees and councils, etc. to make decisions that elected bodies have a legal right to make. This trend must be changed if "the people" are to be truly represented in the decision-making process.

BSTEP       
       
       Changing the curriculum and testing in order to create cultural change through the public schools was the first step in bringing about systemic change. The second step in this cultural transformation has been to retrain teachers as "change agents." The Behavioral Science Elementary Teacher Education Program (BSTEP), conducted at Michigan State University from 1965-1969, and funded by the U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW), provided the "research" necessary to restructure teacher education.
       
       The following quote from the report titled Feasibility Study: Behavioral Science Teacher Education Program, Final Report, dated December 31, 1969, explains the intent of BSTEP:
"The first goal was to develop a new kind of elementary teacher who is basically well-educated, engages in teaching as clinical practice, is an effective student of the capacities and environmental characteristics of human learning, and functions as a responsible agent of social change " (p.6).

       The report goes on to explain the following:

BSTEP provides the elementary school teacher with particular sets of behavior and mental processes, to function as a practitioner specifically trained to give comprehensive aid to a client. The BSTEP teacher is expected to learn from experience through a cyclical style of describing, analyzing, hypothesizing, prescribing, treating, and observing consequences. The last activity, observing consequences of the treatment administered, in turn leads to the first, describing the changed situations, to begin a new cycle. The feedback from the iterative [involving repetition] design is used to improve his practitioner skills and knowledge, and to better fill the needs of the client-pupil…. The Program is designed to focus the skills and knowledge of behavioral scientists on education problems, translating research into viable programs for preservice and in-service teachers. (p. 6-7)

FOOD FOR THOUGHT: Teachers are not psychologists or psychiatrists! Their students are not "clients." "Prescribing" and "treating" clients should not be part of a teacher's job description. As a public school teacher, I endured many an in-service workshop that was meant for psychologists, not teachers! After reading the BSTEP study, I understood why.

[jesqueal]

Case in point: Project Camelot (Part 2)

The following description of Project Camelot was released on December 4, 1964, through the Office of the Director of the Special Operations Research Office (SORO) of the American University in Washington, D.C. It was sent to scholars who were presumed interested in the study of internal war potentials and who might be willing to assemble at a four-week conference at the Airlie House in Virginia in August 1965. This release, dated December 4, 1964, is a summary version of a larger set of documents made available in August 1964 and in December 1964 [I.L.H.].
http://www.cia-on-campus.org/social/camelot.html


Project CAMELOT is a study whose objective is to determine the feasibility of developing a general social systems model which would make it possible to predict and influence politically significant aspects of social change in the developing nations of the world. Somewhat more specifically, its objectives are:

First, to devise procedures for assessing the potential for internal war within national societies;

Second, to identify with increased degrees of confidence those actions which a government might take to relieve conditions which are assessed as giving rise to a potential for internal war; and

Finally, to assess the feasibility of prescribing the characteristics of a system for obtaining and using the essential information needed for doing the above two things.

The project is conceived as a three to four-year effort to be funded at around one and one-half million dollars annually. It is supported by the Army and the Department of Defense, and will be conducted with the cooperation of other agencies of the government. A large amount of primary data collection in the field is planned as well as the extensive utilization of already available data on social, economic and political functions. At this writing, it seems probable that the geographic orientation of the research will be toward Latin American countries.

Another major factor is the recognition at the highest levels of the defense establishment of the fact that relatively little is known, with a high degree of surety, about the social processes which must be understood in order to deal effectively with problems of insurgency. Within the Army there is especially ready acceptance of the need to improve the general understanding of the processes of social change if the Army is to discharge its responsibilities in the over-all counterinsurgency program of the U.S. Government. Of considerable relevance here is a series of recent reports dealing with the problems of national security and the potential contributions that social science might make to solving these problems. One such report was published by a committee of the Smithsonian Institution's research group under the title, "Social Science Research and National Security," edited by Ithiel de Sola Pool. Another is a volume of the proceedings of a symposium, "The U.S. Army's Limited-War Mission and Social Science Research." These proceedings were published in 1962 by the Special Operations Research Office of the American University.

Project CAMELOT will be a multidisciplinary effort. It will be conducted both within the SORO organization and in close collaboration with universities and other research institutions within the United States and overseas. The first several months of work will be devoted to the refinement of the research design and to the identification of problems of research methodology as well as of substance. This will contribute to the important articulation of all component studies of the project toward the stated objectives. Early participants in the project will thus have an unusual opportunity to contribute to the shaping of the research program and also to take part in a seminar planned for the summer of 1965. The seminar, to be attended by leading behavioral scientists of the country, will be concerned with reviewing plans for the immediate future and further analyzing the long-run goals and plans for the project.

A Communist Commentary on Camelot
by Jorge Montes
Chilean Chamber of Deputies, 1965
(source: ibid)

A number of newspapers, and particularly El Siglo, have been referring to a so-called "Project Camelot." What is this project? In order to define it, we shall textually quote from an official document. [See Document No.1 above, from which excerpts were cited.]

These quotes from the project reveal the determination on the part of U.S. foreign policy to intervene in any country of the world where popular movements might threaten its interests. To this end, they use a covert form of espionage, which they try to present in terms of scientific research, thus violating the most elementary norms of sovereignty.

Indeed, our own country, Uruguay, Colombia, and Venezuela in Latin America, Senegal and Nigeria in Africa, and India, Vietnam, and Laos in Asia are the countries in which organized espionage, under the appearance of sociological investigation and under the rubric of "Project Camelot," is being carried out.

It has already been pointed out that both the Director of the Project, Rex Hopper, and Hugo C. Nuttini, its agent, have been in Chile. The latter, born in Chile and naturalized a North American, and an ex-student at the Naval School, tried to bring about the engagement of 20 to 25 Chilean scholars in order to carry out the studies implied in the project. He offered salaries of two thousand dollars a month plus all the necessary equipment to different university agencies. We are in a position to affirm that, at the General Secretaryship of the University of Chile, where Nuttini went, the true character of the project was unmasked. Nuttini had presented it with an especially prepared wording in order to make it appear to be an innocent scientific research undertaking. But his hope to recruit Chilean scholars for this work of espionage against Chile was rejected. Such response was due in part to the fact that the official document for the project, such as it is, had been previously known. This document had reached Chileans owing to a European sociologist. He had been offered a position in the direction of the project which he refused with dignity, making its contents known to his colleagues throughout the world.


The European scholar was the Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung. The following are excerpts from an interview whose transcript is here:
http://portland.indymedia.org/en/2003/05/264373.shtml
I knew Chile very well, and I will tell you exactly what I felt. You see, Salvador Allende was a pediatrician, not a politician. There's nothing the matter with that. His agony in life had to do with nutrition for children. The basic platform upon which he based his politics was free milk to all children in Chile. Now that is beautiful. There is nothing much revolutionary in it, and I deeply wish the world would know what a sweet and soft man he actually was. To achieve his dream, he wanted to nationalize the copper mines, get money by selling copper, and buy milk. I knew people very close to Allende. In one debate we had, I suggested that a more direct way of getting more milk was to have more cows. I wasn't sure they had to go by way of copper. The second suggestion I made was more important. If you nationalize the copper mines, I stressed, you're up against something called imperialism. That beast is going to react strongly and you must prepare. They were not prepared. And really, they did only a technical take-over of the mines. But from a Kendicott-Anaconda corporate point of view, it was merely a question of having friends in Washington, like Kissinger, who had friends in Brazilian intelligence. And out came the Brazilian-backed campaign of economic destabilization that finally put Pinochet in power. So I could accuse Allende of naivete. I would never accuse Fidel Castro of that. Castro always knew exactly with what he was dealing.

Prior to this you had a personal experience with the reach of US imperialism when you were asked to participate in Project Camelot. In fact you gained something of a reputation after the project was cancelled. What happened?

I was at a meeting at Princeton University on my way down to an assignment for UNESCO in Chile, in 1965, and ran into a professor who said, "Johan, you have the three abilities that we need for a project called 'Camelot.' You know about conflict, you know about development and you speak Spanish. We would like to ask you to participate in this project that has to do with the relationship between conflict and development. You'll work with a team in Chile." I said, "Okay, send me the papers." Now the secretary who sent me the papers made a mistake. She put in a slip of paper intended for a higher level of participant. On it was written the real purpose of the project: to find out how the United States Army could help armies in friendly countries. I was not supposed to have seen that, but I did. I started writing letters to my American colleagues. "Are you aware of what you are participating in?" These scholars comprised the blue book of U.S. Sociology at the time. They wrote letters back saying: "Johan, donÕt take it so seriously. In the U.S.A. you always have to bring in the military to get money and you should see it as a very good way of starting funding for social research." I was not buying that. I knew my colleagues too well. I replied: "Okay. Either you or I are making a basic mistake. I think I'm closer to the scene, and I'm going to do my best to work against Project Camelot." Two months of very intensive work followed, and in the end the documentation landed on the desk of the President of Chile. His name was Eduardo Frei, the father of the present President of Chile. The father became absolutely furious. He had just had very difficult negotiations with the Americans over the same two copper mines that Allende later nationalized, and said that if the Camelot project wasn't cancelled immediately, Chile would break off diplomatic relations with the U.S.A.. The project was set up to have American social scientists, together with their Chilean counterparts, spying on Chile for the U.S. Army. Fortunately, after receiving the Chilean ultimatum, President Lyndon Johnson cancelled the project the same afternoon. It was in the New York Times, and there was somewhere mention of an unknown Norwegian sociologist with the name Johan Galtung. I also remember the communist paper in Chile had a big headline calling me the "Archangel of Chile." Interesting communist terminology, but this is, you know, Don Camillo country, so we have a nice relationship between left-wing Catholicism and Marxism. But I'd like to add a comment. In order to get the project rescinded--which was not easy--I had to cooperate with some Chileans who had declared themselves Marxist. I didnÕt find a single one who wanted to completely torpedo the project. They said: "Ah, but this is so much money, and we can just give them fake information." Now, I don't play with science that way. The person with whom I could cooperate was a left-wing Catholic. He and I did the job together.


So, the project has been exposed - the academies are in uproar and the Chilean President is on the phone to Lyndon Johnson... What happens next?

Camelot Goes Underground
http://www.cia-on-campus.org/social/camelot.html

When the true nature of Project Camelot was revealed, it was forced to curtail public operations. In reality, though, it went underground only to surface with a variety of new covers: as government agencies, individual academics, private corporations and, of course, individual agents. The work encompassed in the original project would still be carried out, but the form of operation would change. Camelot researchers were still at the stage of identifying their "would-be-attackers" and much work remained to be done. Thus while Ambassador Dungan apologized to the Chileans for Camelot, the CIA began to restructure its embassy network to accommodate the hidden Camelot.

A. Peace Corps: The Urban Front

The Peace Corps is a perfect structure for the CIA. It provides a point of contact with the working class which is so necessary for information gathering. And, because of the Peace Corps structure, the CIA does not have to control it in order to use it successfully. The Peace Corps entered Latin America as the "person-to-person" of the Alliance for Progress. Working out of the U.S. Embassy in Santiago, the first head of the Peace Corps in Chile was Nathaniel Davis, promoted to Ambassador by the time of the September 1973 coup. Under the skillful guidance of Davis, many of the youthful volunteers headed straight for the poblaciones which housed the poorest sectors of the Chilean working class and unemployed. Fresh out of Swarthmore, Bennington and Berkeley, the volunteers invaded the poblaciones, lived with the people and came to know them -- politically and socially. They worked with them, observed their customs, their way of life, their traditions. And then they drew up work reports describing their experiences.

It was not necessary to have many agents in the Peace Corps -- just in the right places and with access to all the information which was generated. Unknowingly, thousands of U.S. youths, most thinking that they were helping the Chileans, were instead gathering data for the now undercover Project Camelot.

Those agents in the Peace Corps who were conscious of their role had several tasks. As they mingled with the people, they were identifying future leftist leaders as well as those right-wingers who in the future would work for U.S. interests. They were assessing consciousness, evaluating reactions to reforms. And they were selecting and training future agents. It was at this point that Michael Townley, Peace Corpsman in the sixties, was recruited to enter the Agency. Townley returned to Chile in 1970 as one of the agency's closest contacts with Patria y Libertad.

Finally, the Peace Corps was used as a front to get paramilitary equipment into the country. Ellis Carrasco, who succeeded Davis as head of the Peace Corps, was himself accused of gun-running. Later, the U.S. Army donated and installed radio receivers in all Peace Corps regional offices to facilitate communications. These same receivers were used during the coup to facilitate coordination of the Junta's bloody activities.

B. The International Development Foundation: The Rural Front

Working parallel to the Peace Corps was the International Development Foundation, a New York based private foundation. IDF went into Chile in the mid-1960s under the leadership of George Truitt. Truitt, then president of the IDF, also worked for two other CIA front groups: the Free Europe Committee and Radio Free Europe. When IDF entered Chile, Frei's meager agrarian reform was just beginning to show its effects in the Chile. It was also at this time that the foco theory was gaining importance as the main tactic of guerrilla movements in Latin America. IDF headed for the countryside.

Its main objective was infiltration and manipulation of the peasant movement. [size=15]Its tactics consisted of selecting peasant leaders, training them in U.S. labor ideology, and, in this way, trying to control the growing consciousness of the peasants.[/size] To this end IDF was the principal promoter of the Confederation Nacional Campesina which was heavily financed by U.S. AID. The Confederation tried to keep peasants from uniting into one large union -- it pushed the idea of cooperatives, instead -- and adamantly argued against any land take-overs.

A team of research experts accompanied the organizers in order to study the conditions and political views of the campesinos. Rushing from village to village with piles of questionnaires tucked under their arms, the researchers provided basic information necessary to the intelligence apparatus. The ultimate usefulness of IDF to the intelligence network in Chile was summed up by Edward Cohen, the Chilean representative of IDF. "Our representatives," he said, "can infiltrate the leadership of all organizations, even political parties. If we act intelligently, not only will we be able to neutralize Marxist actions, but also we will be able to control the most important organizations in the country."

IDF was, however, forced to leave Chile when its cover was blown following a series of revelations about the CIA in 1967. No longer able to hide behind its mask, IDF disappeared from the scene. But the "leaders" it had trained would be used during the UP government to organize against the agrarian reform and land take-overs carried out by the radicalized peasantry.

C. Other Points of Contact

The International Development Foundation and the Peace Corps were but two of the many fronts used by the CIA to gather information in Chile. During the sixties nearly one thousand students and professors travelled to Chile. Some consciously worked for the Agency, but even those who had no ties to the Agency would find their doctoral theses and research work integrated into the CIA's computer files at a later date. The American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD) and the International Trade Secretariats (ITS) provided information on the Chilean working class. Many U.S. journalists "maintained regular contact with the CIA officials in routine performance of their journalistic duties." The Agency gathered information from students who passed through exchange programs, military and police officials trained in the United States and many, many more.

Back in the United States, part of the Project Camelot work had been contracted out to a company involved in the original project formulation. Abt Associates, a private think tank well-known for doing the Defense Department's work, began to research what became known as the "Politica Game." Politica is a study of possible government reactions to changing political conditions in a country modeled after Chile. In the final analysis, though, it is a computer-planned coup d'état.

The CIA's Embassy structure played a crucial role during the 60s in overseeing the gathering and analysis of information collected by the extensive network of the CIA. By 1970, however, the situation had changed and called for different skills. But since there are approximately 1,500 alleged CIA agents on the State Department's payroll, [CIA official] William Broe did not have too much trouble in selecting a skillful crew with more of a penchant for "operations." ...


Excerpts from Ellen Herman, "Project Camelot and the Career of Cold War Psychology." In Universities and Empire: Money and Politics in the Social Sciences During the Cold War, Christopher Simpson, ed. (New York: The New Press, 1998), pp. 97-133. Excerpts are from p. 113 and pp. 118-19.

    . . .

    Still, remarkably little about behavioral science funding or design changed after Camelot was canceled. A similar project was uncovered in Brazil less than two weeks after the Chilean scandal broke, and others were soon launched in Colombia (Project Simpatico) and Peru (Operation Task). Each was sponsored by SORO and funded by the DoD, exactly as Camelot had been.49 Project Agile, a study of Vietnamese National Liberation Front (NLF) members' motivation, the attitudes of villages, and communications patterns among South Vietnamese troops, was carried out in the years after Camelot's demise, as were studies of the "Potential for Internal Conflict in Latin America."50 Whatever objections existed to such activities were clearly ineffective and did not interfere with the completion of the research. A confidential DoD memo written five weeks after Camelot's cancellation simply stated that counterinsurgency research involving foreign areas was "highly sensitive" and "must be treated in such a way that offense to foreign governments and propaganda advantage to the communist apparatus are avoided."51 Four years later, the DoD admitted that not a single one of its social or behavioral science projects, or for that matter anything at all involving foreign area work, had been terminated in the years after Camelot's exposure.52

    . . .

    Ironically, Camelot's spirit was destined to have its most lethal reincarnation in Chile, the country where it had been exposed, but which had never been one of its intended targets of research. In 1973, almost a decade after Camelot was canceled, its mark could be seen in the secret, CIA-sponsored coup against the socialist-leaning government of Salvador Allende.

    The connection came through Abt Associates, a research organization located in Cambridge, Massachusetts, whose president, Clark Abt, had been one of Camelot's consultants. In 1965, the DoD's Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA) contracted with Abt to design a computer simulation game to be used for monitoring internal war in Latin America. Except for the addition of sophisticated computer technology, Camelot's goal remained intact. Dubbed "Politica," the game was first loaded with data about hundreds of social psychological variables in a given country: degree of group cohesiveness, levels of self-esteem, attitudes toward authority, and so on. Then it would "highlight those variables decisive for the description, indication, prediction, and control of internal revolutionary conflict."71

    In the case of Chile, according to Daniel Del Solar, one of Politica's inventors, the game's results eventually gave the green light to policy makers who favored murdering the elected president, Salvador Allende, and toppling Chile's leftist government.72 Politica had predicted that Chile would remain "stable" even after a military takeover and the president's death. The character of this stability was in time demonstrated by the post-coup regime in the form of mass arrests, thousands of political murders and disappearances, and a series of economic "adjustments" targeting the poorer two-thirds of Chile's population. Politica proved to be as useful to the planners of military and covert action as had been the RAND study of Viet Cong motivation and morale, and more accurate.

[Dig]

Just an fyi the threads on this board are starting to really open my eyes. Oh well, everybody has got to wake up sometime, keep 'em coming. Anyway, as far as driving society to a more warlike persona, I would watch this fricking bombshell about the agenda right after WWI:

Norman Dodd interview shortly before he died
http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-7373201783240489827

I also recommend Adam Curtis:

[Note, the guy is a socialist and AJ has alluded once that he may be compromised, just keep that in mind when you view it so that you can see through the socialist veil when viewing to get the good stuff from these videos. Even if he is not 100%, use their weapons against them]:

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Adam Curtis...The Trap

In the first episode of a series that continues to be dumped by Google Videos, Curtis explains very matter of factly how our country went from a humanistic society to a numbers and game theory society.

If you ever hear the "experts" talk about "...you must understand that casualties are a part of war...this is a numbers game...the military does not understand the science of war.."  and other total BS, Curtis breaks it down.  From the recent rise of the anti-establishment movement (60's), the NWO has been planning to expedite the dehumanization of the population of the world.

Two people were instrumental
John Nash - Beautiful Mind worked at Rand to show game theory models of how humans work well when they are distrusting of each other and looking out for their self interest.  Created games where people would continually try to double cross each other.

McNamara - Transformed the Pentagon to fight wars based on Numbers rather than Patriotism.  It was a complete failure as seen in Vietnam
http://video.google.co.uk/videoplay?docid=8372545413887273321

Now there are tones of socialism, but I believe these should be regarded as humanistic v. game theory arguments.  Humans v. Numbers.  There are items that have humanistic value in nature...Defense is a human issue, and it has been instead been made into a dehumanizing game theory issue.

Healthcare is a human issue, and control needs to go back to the individual doctors and educators rather than the lawyers, insurance companies, pharmaceutical companies, etc.  The idea of letting a person die decided by a text support person in India plugging in numbers on a java program is a bit odd and has nothing to do with this great country.  We need to have humans and not numbers in control of medicine in this country.

I highly recommend any of this guy's work.

The Trap #1 - F&#k You Buddy
The Trap #1 - F&#k You Buddy (part 1 of 6)

The Trap #1 - F&#k You Buddy (part 2 of 6)
The Trap #1 - F&#k You Buddy (part 3 of 6)
The Trap #1 - F&#k You Buddy (part 4 of 6)
The Trap #1 - F&#k You Buddy (part 5 of 6)
The Trap #1 - F&#k You Buddy (part 6 of 6)
_____________________________________________
The Trap #2 - The Lonely Robot
The Trap #2 - The Lonely Robot (part 1 of 6)

The Trap #2 - The Lonely Robot (part 2 of 6)
The Trap #2 - The Lonely Robot (part 3 of 6)
The Trap #2 - The Lonely Robot (part 4 of 6)
The Trap #2 - The Lonely Robot (part 5 of 6)
The Trap #2 - The Lonely Robot (part 6 of 6)
_____________________________________________
The Trap #3 - We Will Force You To Be Free
The Trap #3 - We Will Force You To Be Free (1 of 6)

The Trap #3 - We Will Force You To Be Free (part 2 of 6)
The Trap #3 - We Will Force You To Be Free (part 3 of 6)
The Trap #3 - We Will Force You To Be Free (part 4 of 6)
The Trap #3 - We Will Force You To Be Free (part 5 of 6)
The Trap #3 - We Will Force You To Be Free (part 6 of 6)

[jesqueal]

In the first episode of a series that continues to be dumped by Google Videos, Curtis explains very matter of factly how our country went from a humanistic society to a numbers and game theory society.

Thank you Sane this is exactly what I'm trying to get at
Coming up next for those interested; Abt Associates' links to the Rockefellers, Ford Foundation, MIT, The Queen of all bloody people, and last but not least, our good friend Sir William Gates III
Aswell as the hand these game theorists play in Population Control

edit - A summary of what has been posted so far for those unable to read large amounts of text:

- The Rockefellers decided that they were willing "to sacrifice both truth and human individuality in order to bring about given mass responses"
- They created the study of human communications
- They used their influence in the military (as well as Nazi war research) to make this an army perogative, culminating in the 70s with Project Camelot
- Project Camelot got busted, so it 'went underground' and the research devolved into a number of entities all operating under the Rockefellers, including Abt Associates
- Abt Associates created the first computer program/game that was a virtual society, which they could do their studies on
- That technology is still used today by the military. It is being fine-tuned by modelling Iraq/Afghanistan, with the ultimate goal of a complete model of the American people, so that no insurgency can ever win against the Army, as described by Huxley at the top of this page

[jesqueal]

Examples of Powerful Population Dynamic Studies (Part 2)

Politica

Politica is a study of possible government reactions to changing political conditions in a country modeled after Chile. In the final analysis, though, it is a computer-planned coup d'état.- The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot: Studies in the Relationship Between Social Science and Practical Politics, Irving Louis Horowitz

All references, source= Daniel Brandt, founder of google-watch.org
 Fred Landis, a researcher on Chile, describes some features of the counter-insurgency training program offered by the U.S.:

    While undergoing their training they were told that there is an international communist conspiracy to take over the world. As a regular part of their training program, foreign officers are required to give an oral presentation on how the communist conspiracy applies to their own country. They read instruction manuals prepared jointly by the Pentagon and the USIA which included the official U.S. version of what happened in Indonesia in 1965 as a warning [i.e., a communist plot to take over the government].

But the corporations and the U.S. government were not content with mere economic pressure and support for the Chilean military. The economic measures after 1970 must be seen against the background of a more direct intervention in Chile's internal affairs since 1964.

In the U.S., Project Camelot began in 1963 with a budget of $8 million for the first year. It was initially sponsored by a Pentagon department called the Advanced Research Projects Agency, but it soon shifted to CIA control. As part of Project Camelot, researchers were sent to Chile and other Latin American countries with questionnaires that polled attitudes on politics. In the 1964 election of Allende against Eduardo Frei, the CIA had computerized these and other attitude studies for an intensive ad campaign. The known fears and anxieties of the target group were connected with communism:

    The themes and images were outlined by the CIA, but were actually implemented by the ad agencies of McCann-Erickson and J. Walter Thompson, which ran Frei's campaign. Women were told that if Allende were elected, their children would be sent to Cuba, and their husbands would be sent to concentration camps. On election day women voted as expected.

A U.S. firm under contract to Project Camelot, Abt Associates, developed a simulation game called Politica, which was purchased by the Pentagon in 1966. Politica is fed information from a computer that links the files of the CIA, Defense Intelligence Agency, and the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Crisis situations are simulated and used in the training of Third World police officials at the army's Military Police Training School at Fort Gordon, Georgia. Such a simulation may have eventually played a role in anti-Allende strategy in Chile. It is known that Rand Corporation sponsored in-depth studies of Chilean women and farmers between 1970 and 1973, which were identified by the CIA as the key anti-Allende factions.

The CIA spent more than $2.6 million on Frei's successful campaign in 1964, and $175,000 in 1965 for the support of 22 congressional candidates, according to the Senate Intelligence Committee.44 Other estimates place CIA expenditures in 1964 at $20 million. Even $2.6 million becomes an outrageously high figure when compared to U.S. campaigns on a per capita basis. Philip Agee reports that a CIA colleague told him in 1964 that "we are spending money in the Chilean election practically like we did in Brazil two years ago."

The CIA used Politica to predict Chilean peasant reactions to war stimulus, just like the Rockefeller Foundation had been planning since 1938.
However; Projects Camelot, Simpatico, Task and Agile, which would essentially be completed once Politica was complete, was not designed to be contempt with their target nations. The ultimate goal for these studies was the population-heavy areas of the world, including the essential territory of USA:

Mae Brussell reported in an unpublished manuscript, "Operation CHAOS," that the Central Intelligence Agency "prepared for defense aganist American youth unrest in1965, the same year as Camelot and Politica." Politica was "the game plan for overthrowing Salvador Allendé's elected government in Chile, arranged by Abt Associates, Cambridge, Mass., in 1965. Part of these manipulations was titled Operation CHAOS. Abt was a front for the Pentagon and CIA."

A little more about Abt Associates and their goals:

Dr. Steven Sinding Discusses Global Population Dynamics at Abt Associates Annual Meeting
source: http://www.abtassoc.org/page_pf.cfm?PageID=40577

In the 2007 Stellwagen Lecture presented at the Abt Associates Annual Meeting, board member Dr. Steven Sinding outlined the development of the population movement, its accomplishments, and its recent decline.  "By the early 1990s," Dr. Sinding explained, "essentially the entire world, except parts of sub-Saharan Africa, was well on the way to replacement level fertility, or already at replacement level fertility." He argued that that this victory over the population explosion, achieved over the preceding 20 years, is "one of the most important changes ever accomplished in the world through purposeful public action and international cooperation."

Following a 20-year career at USAID, Dr. Steven Sinding served as Population Advisor to the World Bank, Director of Population Sciences for the Rockefeller Foundation, and Professor of Population and Family Health at Columbia University.  From 2002 until his retirement in 2006, Dr. Sinding was Director-General of the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPrison Planet Forum).  He has written extensively on international population matters and is an internationally recognized public spokesperson on population and reproductive health issues.  Dr. Sinding joined Abt Associates' Board of Directors in January 2007.

The Population Movement

Awareness that the world was experiencing an unprecedented population explosion came immediately after World War II when the United Nations started collecting and analyzing national censuses.  U.N. demographers created global projections of population size and growth and discovered a huge worldwide population increase that was particularly dramatic in Asia.  Dr. Sinding showed how this became a major development and security preoccupation in the late 1940s and highlighted three events in 1952 that he believes created the modern population movement.

    * The establishment of the Population Council by John D. Rockefeller 3rd, researching population issues and disseminating information to policy makers.

    * The launch of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, providing services to women, beginning to desensitize a highly sensitized subject, and putting pressure on governments to act.

    * The promulgation by India of the world's first population policy — India had decided that it had a population explosion and ought to do something about it.

...

By the early 1990s the entire world — except parts of Southern Africa — had essentially reached, or almost reached, replacement level fertility.  Dr. Sinding argued that this tremendous reversal, achieved over the course of "these 20 golden years of international cooperation, was one of the most important changes the world has ever accomplished through purposeful public action and international cooperation.  The only example that comes close to equaling it to my mind is the Green Revolution," said Dr. Sinding.
 

How many eugenicists do Abt Assoc work with?


http://www.abtassociates.com/Page.cfm?PageID=702
Abt Associates performs work for a wide array of foundations, including:

      The Boston Foundation
      The Annie E. Casey Foundation
      The Commonwealth Fund
      Fannie Mae Foundation
      Ford Foundation
      The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation
      Heinz Family Foundation
      High Scope Education Research Foundation
      W. K. Kellogg Foundation
      Massachusetts Science and Technology Foundation
      McKnight Foundation
      Pew Charitable Trust
      Points of Light Foundation
      The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation
      Rockefeller Family Fund
      The Rockefeller Foundation
      Russell Sage Foundation
      Scripps Clinic and Research Foundation
      The Skillman Foundation
      The Spencer Foundation

Abt Associates go hand in hand with USAID...although Queen Rania of Jordan is one beautiful lady, she works with USAID to control the population of her country
http://www.abtassociates.com/Page.cfm?PageID=40437

Abt Associates board member is Knight of the British Empire
http://www.abtassociates.com/Page.cfm?PageID=150&EMP=2&EPID=398

Abt Assoc works all over Africa, doing "population services" (AKA Rockefeller sponsored genocide)
http://www.psp-one.com/section/taskorders/pouzn/pouzn_abt/pouzn_abt_where_we_work

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Modern-day Use, part 2

Defence Department's Sentient World Simulation (SWS): 
A Continuously Running Model of the Real World
source

Modeling and simulation quickly becomes out of sync with new events, the emergence of new forces, and newly proposed theories. The goal of the Sentient World Simulation (SWS) is to build a synthetic mirror of the real world with automated continuous calibration with respect to current real-world information, such as major events, opinion polls, demographic statistics, economic reports, and shifts in trends. The ability of a synthetic model of the real world to sense, adapt, and react to real events distinguishes SWS from the traditional approach of constructing a simulation to illustrate a phenomena. Behaviors emerge in the SWS mirror world and are observed much as they are observed in the real world. Basing the synthetic world in theory in a manner that is unbiased to specific outcomes offers a unique environment in which to develop, test, and prove new perspectives.

SWS consists of components capable of capturing new events as they occur anywhere in the world, focus on any local area of the synthetic world offers sufficient detail. In other words, the set of models that make up the synthetic environment encompass the behavior of individuals, organizations, institutions, infrastructures and geographies while simultaneously capturing the trends emerging from the interaction among entities as well as between entities and the environment. The multi-granularity detail provides a means for inserting new models of any temporal and spatial scales, or for incorporating user-supplied data at any level of granularity. Therefore, SWS can be continuously enriched and refined as new information becomes available. SWS consists of the following components:
                        •  A synthetic environment that supports Effects Based Approach and a comprehensive representation of the real world at all levels of granularity in terms of a Political, Military, Economic, Social, Informational, and Infrastructure (PMESII) framework.
                        •  A scalable means of integrating heterogeneous components across time and space granularities.
                        •  Mechanisms that discover, gather, and incorporate new knowledge into the continuously running synthetic environment.
                        •  A single façade of user interfaces enabling information from all sources (simulation generated data, parameters for models, and data gathered from the real world) to be searched, viewed and modified in an ontology-aware manner.
                        •  Integrated Development Environments (IDE)s for constructing and configuring new models or modifying existing models and then incorporating these changes into the continuously running synthetic world.
                        •  A means to take excursions from any point in time in the synthetic world to focus on select regions of the world, leverage private user data, or to research specific theories by simplifying the types of models to employ in the excursion.

Sensitivity to Current Information Through Real-Time Knowledge Discovery
Continuously incorporating current information in SWS provides three key benefits that distinguish SWS from other initiatives at constructing a simulated environment:
                        •  SWS remains up to date with respect to events and emerging trends.
                        •  SWS leverages the prodigious amounts of data from all publicly available data sources, something that is infeasible for a small number of analysts to gather in a timely manner.
                        •  Models used by SWS are continuously refined, parameterized, and validated, keeping the underlying model base of SWS relevant across time.

Burgeoning technology in the area of knowledge discovery has matured so that Web crawlers and spiders are now used in research and industry. Applying this technology to news portals, blogs, and other internet sources enables large amounts of data to be gathered and processed in a short amount of time. By considering all available data, automated data mining provides an unbiased means of incorporating data originating from multiple sources, and therefore, data from multiple perspectives. Additionally, interesting outliers are discovered through text, video, and transaction analytics. 

Believability and reliability metrics are applied to weight the influence of data from different sources depending on the type of source, experience with data from the source, and the type of data. The believability and reliability are then taken into account when incorporating the data into the WS synthetic world.

The discovery technology is coupled with a semantic engine that extracts semantics from the data. The semantics are used to prepare the gathered data for use by the simulations and to relate the data to knowledge already in the synthetic world.

Use Cases of SWS
Training
•  SWS provides the context within which training excursions are done, presenting the training community with the unprecedented ability to train in a live and comprehensive synthetic environment that is validated by theory and up to date with the real world. 
•  For skill refinement, a trainee’s skills can be directly compared with an experienced individual’s skills by immersing the trainee into the synthetic environment in the real-world context where the event actually occurred and analyzing the ensuing reactions of the simulated environment.
•  Skill acquisition is supported by the ability to illustrate the emergent effects achieved by certain doctrinal theories, and the proper contexts in which to apply them. 
•  The experimentation platform provides trainers with the ability to store and recall training experiments, start another training experiment where an earlier one left off, and compare results from multiple experiments.

Analysis
•  Analysts’ theories are continuously weighed against emergent phenomena in SWS. As SWS progresses with new real world events, the divergence between proposed theories or models indicates a need for a change in thinking. Likewise, the synthetic world may confirm the
relevance of theories.
•  Cross-excursion analysis reveals the influence of “what if” excursions from a comprehensive perspective.
•  The synthetic reference world of SWS provides immediate access to a mix of details from both the real and synthetic worlds which remain up to date with respect to real world data and include details which are not easily obtainable in the real world, such as measurements of emotional arousal for a group of people.
•  The analysis capabilities of SWS also reveal relationships between entities that emerge over time. Analysts can perform full strategic, operational, and tactical net assessment with access to a dynamic description of the links between nodes and across nodes and resources. 

Planning
•  SWS provides tools to develop, reuse, and compose action plans into playbooks. A playbook database enables planners to recall playbooks.
•  Planning tools enable plans to be developed for temporally and spatially fine-grained actions as well as long-term actions and to place combined plans into a single playbook.
•  Additionally, SWS facilitates the integration of Interagency participation in computer assisted events.

Operations
•  The execution environment enables plans to be utilized in a scenario and decision making to be injected.
•  Augmenting real-time information with near real-time and faster than real-time simulations allows RCC to develop and test multiple courses of action to anticipate and shape behaviors of adversaries, neutrals, and partners.
•  SWS will provide the ability to develop and assess DIME campaigns.

Experimentation
•  Users of SWS can take excursions that are configurable for the user’s unique needs, such as selectively including or excluding models, interfaces, visualizations, and data sources.
•  Users concerned with a localized region of the world can construct an experiment that uses only a subset of SWS.
•  The results from multiple excursions can be merged into a single picture using SWS’ Excursion Manager, providing cross-excursion analysis.
•  A subsequent excursion can be instantiated using the results from a previous experiment.
•  Researchers can construct experiments to evaluate new models or employ user-supplied data without interfering with the SWS reference world. The new models can be tested and refined in an experimentation environment.

Testing
•  SWS provides an environment for testing Psychological Operations (PSYOP) and Civil Affairs activities, capable of illustrating the impact of these activities on populations.
•  Commercial users can construct experiments to use proprietary data in a controlled environment.
 


source
Example of Pakistani Earthquake

SWS End-state

The Eight Components of SWS:

1.   Live and computational simulation bridge will enable bridging of different models, live events, and data from sensors and instruments, archived data, and synthetic data from models. Putting all of these together can give unprecedented realism and fidelity.
2.   JNTC and other training centers will provide a unique opportunity for live experimentation and model calibration and validation.
3.   Enhanced SEAS® models will provide the social, economic, ethical, and behavioral aspects of preparedness and response research.
4.   Specific WMD, PMESII, DIME, and other science-based models will be integrated in the SWS environment to develop and test pre-conflict, conflict, and post-conflict concepts.
5.   Models developed by other programs at DoD, DHS, NIH, NSF, CDC, etc., as well as by coalition partners can be integrated in SWS.
6.   Decision-making and consequence models will be integrated to study intervention strategies, courses of action analysis, decision-making process, and quality and efficacy of algorithms.
7.   Large scale information processing capability and the corresponding intelligent information agent capability to process and act on that information will be of significant benefit to the intelligence community.
8.   Historical and archival data will/can be integrated to give a higher degree of fidelity to the test bed.
9.   Visualization, data mining, and data fusion techniques will be used to create concepts for the command center of the future that will give the incident commander the best possible situation awareness.
10.   A future goal is to make SWS available on the JFCOM Portal to assist in the prototyping and fielding as rapidly as possible to the warfighter.

Developing SWS would:
-   Be a force multiplier for DoD and stimulate ideas that one cannot even imagine at the present.
-   Support the emerging grass roots efforts to develop multi-disciplinary knowledge environments for planning, analysis, experimentation, and operational support.
-   Catalyze more rapid and substantial progress in analysis, planning, and operations.
-   Allow for much needed growth in observation, model data volumes, and data streams.
-   Allow rapid growth in model complexity, resolution, and sophistication of computer modeling and simulation.
-   Rapid expansion of applications of data assimilation.
-   Allow for collaborations free of geographic constraints.

Unlike traditional approaches to modeling by constructing a simulation to support one model, SEAS® seeks to provide an unbiased environment in which to implement diverse models. As a result, various existing theories, paradigms, and courses of actions are integrated in a single holistic framework. Using agent based technology, autonomously managed artificial entities that mimic the behavior patterns of their counter-parts in the real world are implemented in SEAS®. These autonomous agents “have control over their own behavior and can act without the intervention of humans or other systems”iii. They can interact with other agents within the virtual environment and are able to communicate, negotiate, and cooperate with each other. Agent based simulations allow:  , ,
-   Virtual experimentation in which consequences of decisions can be measured and analyzed;
-   Integration of multiple theories from various specialized disciplines for a comprehensive understanding of underlying phenomenon;
-   Creation of representation of agents with multiple decision strategies both rational and non-rational;
-   Modeling of heterogeneous actors who can modify their behavior during the course of the simulation; and
-   Facilitation of a seamless and interchangeable integration of human and software agents

The SEAS® environment is composed of geographic entities (nations, provinces, cities) and their infrastructures (electricity, telecommunications, transportation), political systems (type of government, political parties/factions), social systems (institutions, group), economic systems (formal and informal sectors), and information systems (print, broadcast, Internet).

To represent a synthetic nation, individual citizen agents are constructed as a proportional representation of the societal makeup of the real nation. SEAS® agent architecture uses a DNA-like, double helix structure:

 In this model, one strand contains agent attributes and traits, while the other contains intelligence. The behavior strand of the helix contains the various “genes”. Each citizen agent is encoded with static traits, such as gender, nationalism, ethnicity, race, income, education, and religion, and dynamic traits, such as political, societal, religious orientation, and will to fight.

A citizen’s well-being consists of fundamental elements or needs.  These needs include: basic, health, security, religious, educational, and freedom of movement. Citizens take actions on the basis of their assessment of their perceived state of well-being. A citizen’s emotional state is the second psychological parameter that the system tracks. Such influences as a leader or an event reported by the media can affect a citizen’s emotional state. The role of the emotion is to capture the level of arousal and the intensity of the action in which the citizen engages.

Leader agents are leaders of various organizations. The leader’s repertoire is larger than that of the citizen agent and includes traits such as fundamentalism, nationalism, power base, and stance on domestic, economic, and social policies. Leader agents are categorized as social, religious, and political and are encoded with influence levels that reflect their power within groups, organizations, and institutions. Leaders affect the political and social climate within the synthetic environment. They work to effectively impose their stances upon citizens and organizations in order to promote their goals.

Clusters of individuals form groups, organizations, or institutions. Groups can be formal or informal. Formal groups and factions operate overtly in the synthetic environment, while informal groups, such as terrorist cells, operate covertly. Organizations and institutions are legal entities that provide structure to the synthetic environment. The stances and resulting behavior of groups and organizations adapts as individuals join or leave and leadership changes.

Institutions are increasingly more formal than organizations with regard to policy development, implementation, and adjudication capabilities. Some institutions have the right to use force. Some specific traits for groups, organizations, and institutions include political orientation, freedom of opinion, societal orientation, economic policy, openness to foreign investment, control over resources, and power base.

Certain fundamental or experimentally developed theories are explicitly encoded in the agents, e.g., well being and set point theories from psychology and production and consumption theories from micro economics, etc. Other theories that represent emergent behaviors are observed and validated based on the calibration of the primitives. Examples of such theories include: sociological theories such as social networks, and macro-economic theories such as GNP, unemployment, etc.

There is no formula that can describe the flow of information, the interaction between the key actors, and the cascading effects of events leading up to complex phenomena, such as a civil conflict. SEAS® allows us to fill in the gaps through experimentation with the solitary and collective behaviors of the individual, group, organization, and institution agents described above. Such a modeling method can have immense impact on social science that is still concerned with how macro level phenomena emerge from micro level actions.


Human Behavior Modeling Approach

The proposed approach for human behavior modeling comprises four parts:

1.   Multi-scalar models of human behavior are being developed based on nonlinear dynamical and other mathematical approaches such that the models agree with state-of-the-art theories on cognitive psychology and can scale to large simulations. The model development process is leveraging ORNL capabilities in these areas in conjunction with emerging developments in prestigious scientific journals.
2.   Second, the mathematical models may be embedded within intelligent software agents to simulate emergent behavior at multiple scales, with a view to simulating bottom-up and top-down behavior. The aim of these models is to augment SEAS® modeling environment. ORNL agents will be used to develop and validate the models. This will be useful for understanding various tradeoffs, for example complexity of individual agent models versus deployment to millions of agents for understanding emergent behavior.
3.   Third, new methods are being developed and existing ORNL approaches are being leveraged such that the uncertainties inherent in the modeling approach, both in terms of the forward simulations as well as the inverse problem of parameter, model, and state updates, can be quantified and reduced to the extent possible. The uncertainty estimation and quantification processes will rely on ensemble-based methods and process-based approaches.
4.   Fourth, feedback loops will be generated for continuous improvements of models and simulations based on dynamic knowledge discovery from multiple open and classified sources, including the Internet, using innovative knowledge representation and a combination of automated and visualization based approaches. The information utilized for this purpose includes geospatial and temporal data available at ORNL, for example the LandScan® population databases at ORNL, as well as derived products like demographics and ancillary variables ancillary variables providing information on human habitat, settlement, and migration patterns. The management of, and knowledge discovery from, disparate data types that are geographically-tagged are key issues.

ORNL has considerable expertise and prior success in each of the four areas within the Computational Sciences and Engineering Division.

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Summary; if you live in one of the 40 most important nations to the Dept of Defence, chances are they have a virtual version of you playing out your life on a supercomputer

They hope to make this simulation so accurate that they can predict your response - both physical and emotional - to various news stories

All this to ensure the "warfighters" can kill you and yours easier should the time come