Slavery Still Legal in the United States

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Offline EvadingGrid

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Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« on: March 18, 2017, 12:29:52 PM »
The United States fought a war to end slavery ... we should not be trading in slave goods in the name of "Globalism"

Don't forget Slavery is STILL LEGAL IN U.S.A

13th
“Hey, I’m a nationalist and a globalist”
-- Donald Trump

Offline Geolibertarian

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #1 on: March 18, 2017, 01:09:23 PM »
http://www.truth-out.org/progressivepicks/item/34695-the-thirteenth-amendment-created-legal-slavery-through-incarceration

The 13th Amendment Created Legal Slavery Through Incarceration

By Dennis Childs, University of Minnesota Press | Book Excerpt
Truthout
February 04, 2016

Slavery didn't end, it evolved. That's the powerful argument made in Slaves of the State: Black Incarceration From the Chain Gang to the Penitentiary by Dennis Childs. Ever since a clause in the 13th Amendment allowed for enslavement as "punishment for crime," the groundwork has been laid for the prison industrial complex to function as the 21st century equivalent of chattel slavery. Order your copy of this eye-opening book by making a donation to Truthout today!

In this excerpt from Slaves of the State, Dennis Childs illustrates how the 13th Amendment played a primary role in perpetuating slavery:

One of the most devastating documents of liberal legal sorcery ever produced under occidental modernity [is] the Thirteenth Amendment to the US Constitution itself. ... [T]he very amendment to the Constitution that was to have performed the miraculous conversion of "chattel into man" actually facilitated his and her re-chattelization through imprisonment: "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." The grandest emancipatory gesture in US history contained a rhetorical trapdoor, a loophole of state repression, allowing for the continued cohabitation of liberal bourgeois law and racial capitalist terror; the interested invasion of "objective," "color-blind," and "duly" processed legality by summary justice and white supremacist custom; and the constitutional sanctioning of state-borne prison-industrial genocide.

That my attachment of such gravity and epochal meaning to the exception clause is no case of political hyperbole is registered by the publicly aired debate it caused, both at the time of its passage and in the years surrounding the implementation of the postbellum Black Codes. Carl Schurz spoke directly to the imminent reenslaving purposes to which postemancipation statutory law would be marshaled in filing a report on southern race relations just after the Civil War:
    The emancipation of the slaves is submitted to only in so far as chattel slavery in the old form could not be kept up. But although the freedman is no longer considered the property of the individual master, he is considered the slave of society, and all the independent state legislation will share the tendency to make him such. The ordinances abolishing slavery passed by the conventions under the pressure of circumstances will not be looked upon as barring the establishment of a new form of servitude.
An explicit account of the primary role of the Thirteenth Amendment in the reenslavement of free black people was offered at the Joint Committee on Reconstruction in 1866, the same year that the neoslave auctions advertisements were posted in Maryland newspapers. In his testimony, a northern clergyman testified to having had a conversation with a white southern preacher who made a brazen declaration regarding the surreptitiously terroristic utility of the emancipation amendment, one that in its brutal accuracy expresses how the white supremacist opportunity afforded by the exception clause was a matter of southern common sense: "Alluding to the amendment to the Constitution that slavery should not prevail, except as punishment for a crime, [the southern preacher said] 'we must now make a code that will subject many crimes to the penalty of involuntary servitude, and so reduce the Negroes under such penalty again to practical slavery.'"

While the southern minister's reference to a "code" of virtual reenslavement obviously refers to the openly racist Black Codes that would immediately begin to terrorize the black population after the war's cessation, in the remainder of this chapter I will explore the ways in which the exception clause had temporal reverberations that extended long after the apparent demise of openly racist statutory law, as well as a geographical reach that was in no way cordoned to points south of the Mason-Dixon line. Through my discussion of congressional debates, the peonage cases, and the hybrid formations of public/private neoslavery that placed free black people in a constant state of collective jeopardy, I underline the degree to which "color-blind" juridical, legislative, and penal law all played central roles in constructing an overall code of reenslavement - states of legalized and racialized exception made possible in large measure by the Thirteenth Amendment's punitive exception.   

[Continued...]


http://www.globalresearch.ca/the-prison-industry-in-the-united-states-big-business-or-a-new-form-of-slavery/8289

The Prison Industry in the United States: Big Business or a New Form of Slavery?

By Vicky Peláez
Global Research, August 28, 2016
El Diario-La Prensa, New York and Global Research 10 March 2008

This article was first published by Global Research in March 2008

Human rights organizations, as well as political and social ones, are condemning what they are calling a new form of inhumane exploitation in the United States, where they say a prison population of up to 2 million – mostly Black and Hispanic – are working for various industries for a pittance. For the tycoons who have invested in the prison industry, it has been like finding a pot of gold. They don’t have to worry about strikes or paying unemployment insurance, vacations or comp time. All of their workers are full-time, and never arrive late or are absent because of family problems; moreover, if they don’t like the pay of 25 cents an hour and refuse to work, they are locked up in isolation cells.

There are approximately 2 million inmates in state, federal and private prisons throughout the country. According to California Prison Focus, “no other society in human history has imprisoned so many of its own citizens.”

The figures show that the United States has locked up more people than any other country: a half million more than China, which has a population five times greater than the U.S. Statistics reveal that the United States holds 25% of the world’s prison population, but only 5% of the world’s people. From less than 300,000 inmates in 1972, the jail population grew to 2 million by the year 2000. In 1990 it was one million. Ten years ago there were only five private prisons in the country, with a population of 2,000 inmates; now, there are 100, with 62,000 inmates. It is expected that by the coming decade, the number will hit 360,000, according to reports.

What has happened over the last 10 years? Why are there so many prisoners?
    “The private contracting of prisoners for work fosters incentives to lock people up. Prisons depend on this income. Corporate stockholders who make money off prisoners’ work lobby for longer sentences, in order to expand their workforce. The system feeds itself,” says a study by the Progressive Labor Party, which accuses the prison industry of being “an imitation of Nazi Germany with respect to forced slave labor and concentration camps.”
The prison industry complex is one of the fastest-growing industries in the United States and its investors are on Wall Street. “This multimillion-dollar industry has its own trade exhibitions, conventions, websites, and mail-order/Internet catalogs. It also has direct advertising campaigns, architecture companies, construction companies, investment houses on Wall Street, plumbing supply companies, food supply companies, armed security, and padded cells in a large variety of colors.”

[Continued...]

---------------------------------------------

If anyone honestly believes that the modern-day slave masters who own and control the prison-industrial complex feel even slightly threatened by the Trump administration, then that person might as well profess a belief in Santa Clause and the Easter Bunny while he's at it, because he's living in fantasy land.

-- http://www.gq.com/story/jeff-sessions-war-on-drugs

-- http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/jeff-sessions-goes-full-reefer-madness-on-pot-w472282
"Abolish all taxation save that upon land values." -- Henry George

"If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill." -- Thomas Edison

http://schalkenbach.org
http://www.monetary.org
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=203330.0

Offline Geolibertarian

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #2 on: March 18, 2017, 01:12:28 PM »
http://www.wealthandwant.com/docs/ajo_slavery.html

SLAVERY

By Arthur J. Ogilvy

THE SLAVER

Suppose I own a sugar estate and 100 slaves, all the land about being held in the same way by people of the same class as myself.

It is a profitable business, but there are many expenses and annoyances attached to it.

I must keep up my supply of slaves either by buying or breeding them.

I must pay an overseer to keep them continually to their work with a lash. I must keep them in a state of brutish ignorance (to the detriment of their efficiency), for fear they should learn their rights and their power, and become dangerous.

I must tend them in sickness and when past work.

And the slaves have all the vices and defects that slavery engenders; they have no self-respect or moral sense; they lie, they steal, they are lazy, shirking work whenever they dare; they do not care what mischief their carelessness occasions me so long as it is not found out; their labor is obtained by force, and given grudgingly; they have no heart in it.

All these things worry me.

FLASH! ....

Suddenly a brilliant idea strikes me. I reflect that there is no unoccupied land in the neighbourhood, so that if my laborers were free they would still have to look to me for work somehow.

So one day I announce to them that they are all free, intimating at the same time I will be ready to employ as many as I may require on such terms as we may mutually and independently agree.

What could be fairer? They are overjoyed, and falling on their knees, bless me as their benefactor. Then they go away and have a jollification, and next day come back to me to arrange the new terms.

THEY BELIEVE ...

Most of them think they would like to have a piece of land and work it for themselves, and be their own masters. All they want is a few tools they have been accustomed to use, and some seed, and these they are ready to buy from me, undertaking to pay me with reasonable interest when the first crop comes in, offering the crop as security. As for their keep, they can easily earn that by working a few weeks on and off on any of the plantations, or by taking a job clearing or fencing, or such like. This will keep them going for the first year, and after that they will be better able to take care of themselves.

HOLD ON, NOW!

"But," softly I observe, "you are going too fast. Your proposals about the tools and seed and your maintenance are all right enough, but the land, you remember, belongs to me. You cannot expect me to give you your liberty and my own land for nothing. That would not be reasonable, would it?" They agree it would not, and begin to propose terms.

A fancies this bit of land, and B that. But it soon appears that I want this bit of land for my next year's clearing, and that for my cows, and another is too close to my house and would interfere with my privacy, and another is thick forest or swamps, and would require too long and costly preparation for me who must have quick returns in order to live, and in short that there is no land suitable that I care to part with.

THE BENEFACTOR

Still I am ready to do what I promised — "to employ as many as I may require, on such terms as we may mutually and independently agree." But as I have now got to pay them wages instead of getting their work for nothing. I cannot of course employ all of them. I can find work for ninety of them, however, and with these I am prepared to discuss terms.

At once a number volunteered their services at such wages as their imagination had been picturing to them. I tell the ninety whose demands are most reasonable to stand on one side. The remaining ten look blank, and seeing that since I won't let them have any of the land, it is a question of hired employment or starvation, they offer to come for a little less than the others. I tell these now to stand aside, and ten others to stand out instead. These look blank now, and offer to work for less still, and so the "mutual and voluntary" settlement of terms proceeds.

But, meanwhile, I have been making a little calculation in my head, and have reckoned up what the cost of keeping a slave, with his food and clothes, and a trifle over to keep him contented, would come to, and I offer that.

They won't hear of it, but as I know they can't help themselves, I say nothing, and presently first one and then another gives in, till I have got my ninety, and still there are ten left out, and very blank indeed they look. Whereupon, the terms being settled, I graciously announce that though I don't really want any more men, still I am willing, in my benevolence, to take the ten, too, on the same terms, which they promptly accept, and again hail me as their benefactor, only not quite so rapturously as before.

WAGE SLAVES? ...

So they all set to at the old work at the old place, and on the old terms, only a little differently administered; that is, that whereas I formerly supplied them with food, clothes, etc., direct from my stores, I now give them a weekly wage representing the value of those articles, which they will henceforth have to buy for themselves.

There is a difference, too, in some other respects, indicating a moral improvement in our relations. I can no longer curse and flog them. But then I don't want to; it's no longer necessary; the threat of dismissal is quite as effective, even more so; and much pleasanter for me.

I can no longer separate husband from wife, parent from child. But then again, I don't want to. There would be no profit in it; leaving them their wives and children has the double advantage of making them more contented with their lot, and giving me greater power over them, for they have now got to keep these wives and children out of their own earnings.

My men are now as eager as ever to come to me to work as they formerly were to run away from work. I have neither to buy or breed them; and if any suddenly leave me, instead of letting loose the bloodhounds, I have merely to hold up a finger or advertise, and I have plenty of others offering to take their place. I am saved the expense and worry of incessant watching and driving. I have no sick to attend, or worn-out pensioners to maintain. If a man falls ill there is nothing but my good nature to prevent my turning him off at once; the whole affair is a purely commercial transaction — so much wages for so much work. The patriarchal relation of slave-owner and slave is gone, and no other has taken its place. When the man is worn out with long service I can turn him out with a clear business conscience, knowing that the State will see that he does not starve.

Instead of being forced to keep my men in brutish ignorance, I find public schools established at other people's expense to stimulate their intelligence and improve their minds, to my great advantage, and their children compelled to attend these schools. The service I get, too, being now voluntarily rendered (or apparently so) is much improved in quality. In short, the arrangement pays me better in many ways.

REJOICE! I AM CAPITAL AND I EMPLOY PEOPLE!

But I gain in other ways besides pecuniary benefit. I have lost the stigma of being a slave driver, and have, acquired instead the character of a man of energy and enterprise, of justice and benevolence. I am a "large employer of labour," to whom the whole country, and the labourer especially, is greatly indebted, and people say, "See the power of capital! These poor labourers, having no capital, could not use the land if they had it, so this great and far-seeing man wisely refuses to let them have it, and keeps it all for himself, but by providing them with employment his capital saves them from pauperism, and enables him to build up the wealth of the country, and his own fortune together."

Whereas it is not my capital that does any of these things. lt is not my capital but the labourer's toil that builds up my fortune and the wealth of the country.

It is not my employment that keeps him from pauperism, but my monopoly of the land forcing him into my employment that keeps him on the brink of it. It is not want of capital that keeps the labourer from using the land, but my refusing him the use of the land that prevents him from acquiring capital. All the capital he wants to begin with is an axe and a spade, which a week's earnings would buy him, and for his maintenance during the first year, and at any subsequent time, he could work for me or for others, turnabout, with his work on his own land. Henceforth with every year his capital would grow of itself, and his independence with it, and that this is no fancy sketch, anyone can see for himself by taking a trip into the country, where he will find well-to-do farmers who began with nothing but a spade and an axe (so to speak) and worked their way up in the manner described.

ENTER THE LANDLORD ....

But now another thought strikes me. Instead of paying an overseer to work these men for me, I will make him pay me for the privilege of doing it. I will let the land as it stands to him or to another — to whomsoever will give the most for the billet. He shall be called my tenant instead of my overseer, but the things he shall do for me are essentially the same, only done by contract instead of for yearly pay. He, not I, shall find all the capital, take all the risk, and engage and supervise the men, paying me a lump sum, called rent, out of the proceeds of their toil, and make what he can for himself out of the surplus.

The competition is as keen in its way for the land, among people of his class, as it is among the labourers for employment, only that as they are all possessed of some little means (else they could not compete) they are in no danger of immediate want, and can stand out for rather better terms than the labourers, who are forced by necessity to take what terms they can get.

The minimum in each case amounts practically to a "mere living", but the mere living they insist on is one of a rather higher standard than the labourers'; it means a rather more abundant supply and better quality of those little comforts which are next door to necessaries. It means, in short, a living of a kind to which people of that class are accustomed.

For a moderate reduction in my profits, then — a reduction equal to the tenant's narrow margin of profit — I have all the toil and worry of management taken off my hands, and the risk too, for be the season good or bad, the rent is bound to be forthcoming, and I can sell him up to the last rag if he fails of the full amount, no matter for what reason; and my rent takes precedence of all other debts.

All my capital is set free for investment elsewhere, and I am freed from the odium of a slave owner, notwithstanding that the men still toil for my enrichment as when they were slaves, and that I get more out of them than ever.

If I wax rich while they toil from hand to mouth, and in depressed seasons find it hard to get work at all; it is not, to all appearances, my doing, but merely the force of circumstances, the law of nature, the state of the labour market — fine sounding names that hide the ugly reality.

If wages are forced down it is not I that do it; it is that greedy and merciless man the employer (my tenant) who does it. I am a lofty and superior being, dwelling apart and above such sordid considerations. I would never dream of grinding these poor labourers, not I! I have nothing to do with them at all; I only want my rent -- and get it. Like the lilies of the field, I toil not, neither do I spin, and yet (so kind is Providence!) my daily bread (well buttered) comes to me of itself. Nay, people bid against each other for the privilege of finding it for me; and no one seems to realise that the comfortable income that falls to me like the refreshing dew is dew indeed; but it is the dew of sweat wrung from the labourers' toil. It is the fruit of their labour which they ought to have; which they would have if I did not take it from them.

This sketch illustrates the fact that chattel slavery is not the only nor even the worst form of bondage. When the use of the earth — the sole source of our daily bread — is denied unless one pays a fellow creature for permission to use it, people are bereft of economic freedom. The only way to regain that freedom is to collect the rent of land instead of taxes for the public domain.

Once upon a time, labour leaders in the USA, the UK and Australia understood these facts. The labour movements of those countries were filled with people who fought for the principles of 'the single tax' on land at the turn of the twentieth century. But since then, it has been ridiculed, and they have gradually yielded to the forces of privilege and power — captives of the current hegemony — daring no longer to come to grips with this fundamental question, lest they, too, become ridiculed.

And so the world continues to wallow in this particular ignorance — and in its ensuing poverty and debt.
"Abolish all taxation save that upon land values." -- Henry George

"If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill." -- Thomas Edison

http://schalkenbach.org
http://www.monetary.org
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=203330.0

Offline Satyagraha

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #3 on: March 18, 2017, 01:16:34 PM »
Right.

13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution
https://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/13thamendment.html
LC-USZ62-2573
The 13th Amendment to the Constitution declared that "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction." Formally abolishing slavery in the United States, the 13th Amendment was passed by the Congress on January 31, 1865, and ratified by the states on December 6, 1865.

Which explains the Prison Industrial Complex.


5 Ways The U.S. Prison Industrial Complex Mimics Slavery
https://www.bustle.com/articles/142340-5-ways-the-us-prison-industrial-complex-mimics-slavery

1. Incarcerated Individuals (Who Are Mostly People Of Color) Are Legally The Property Of The Government

In 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment was passed, abolishing slavery. There was a significant loophole in the Amendment, though: It stated that slavery and involuntary servitude are illegal, "except as punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." In other words, individuals who are imprisoned are technically considered the property of the state or federal government. Sound familiar?

Black people comprise 13 percent of the American population, yet they are six times more likely to be thrown behind bars than white people. They and Hispanics make up 58 percent of the prison population. This means that at any given time, a disproportionate number of people of color are forced into hard labor (many of whom have committed nonviolent drug-related crimes).

An Atlantic documentary called Angola for Life: Rehabilitation and Reform Inside the Louisiana State Penitentiaryshows footage of prison labor on what was once a Southern plantation. It may have been filmed recently, but as the film puts it, "the stench of slavery and racial oppression lingers."

2. Prisoners Are Leased To Private Companies For Mandatory Labor

As early as the start of the 19th century, states were leasing out imprisoned individuals "to private bidders to be housed and worked as slaves," as Harvard professor and Director of the Prison Studies Project Kaia Stern writes in her latest book, Voices From American Prisons: Faith, Education, and Healing. This labor was specifically used for production, and the same thing still happens today.

Every day, prisons drum up contracts with private companies who have a lot to gain from cheap, faceless labor. In 2013, Christopher Petrella wrote an article for Truthout called "The Legacy of Chattel Slavery," shedding light on these partnerships. He says that holding so many blacks behind bars "still functions primarily as a source of profit extraction, rather than as a resource for rehabilitation."

Should any incarcerated individuals refuse to be rented like property, they are locked up in solitary confinement or they have family visitation rights taken from them, among many other brutal consequences. So the next time you sit in an office chair or put on a push-up bra, know that there's a strong likelihood that an individual in the prison system was forced to build it or sew it.

3. Prisoners Work And Live In Inhumane Conditions

It's not uncommon for individuals behind bars — including women — to be shackled in chains during labor. The tasks they are given are often dangerous, and their safety is rarely taken into account. They work for long hours, sometimes with no end in sight. "Convict leasing" is said to actually be better for the companies than slavery was for slave owners, because they don't even have to worry about maintaining the health of their workers.

For example, after the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico, BP decided to exploit incarcerated folks in Louisiana prisons to take care of the mess they created. They leased out work crews and paid them little. Out of all the states in America, Louisiana boasts the highest incarceration rate, and 70 percent of their prisoners are black.

When I spoke with Stern, she reminded me that popular media often fails to cover these topics, which is precisely why we are not familiar with the violence and "the soul-crushing isolation that is the everyday life for millions of people." Why is it kept from us, though? Because there is much to gain financially from the sweat and toil of people of color, and no one seems to want to hear about it.

4. Prisoners Are Paid Next To Nothing While Corporations Profit Huge Amounts Off Of Their Labor

To say that prisoners make less than the minimum wage wouldn't even begin to crack the surface. Many of them work full-time for only pennies a day. There are some who make up to $2 an hour, but overall, Stern says, "the prison population receives 'slave wages.'" The imprisoned population is vulnerable and unprotected. They have no means of forming a union, which would allow them to fight for basic workers rights and fairer wages, and they cannot vote to affect change.

Meanwhile, Unicor, an American government corporation that exploits penal labor to produce goods and services, profits $900 million a year. They're known to pay prison work crews as little as 23 cents an hour. In 2013, Unicor had federal prisoners stitch $100 million worth of military uniforms, crushing numerous small businesses who just can't compete, as they must pay a minimum wage to their workers.

They falsely wrap up this injustice by labeling it a "jobs training program," but it's clear that the incarcerated aren't being taught a set of skills as a means of reform. The prison-industrial complex is much more concerned with profiting off of these human beings in chains, as if they are nothing more than real estate.


5. The System Dehumanizes Incarcerated Individuals

As someone who has worked in the penal system for 20 years, Stern writes about prison as "a totalizing institution that represents modern systems of domination and social control." The prison-industrial complex turns people into tools used to bring profit to huge corporations. There's no care for reform or justice — the two things that are supposed to rule our criminal justice system. Denying people their basic humanity in this way was precisely what we saw in slavery all those years ago; it's just executed in a different way today.

Upon being released from prison, prisoners' rights are still often kept from them. They are ineligible for many jobs, they're denied public benefits and housing, and in many cases they're not permitted to vote. There are even women who are briefly sent to prison for drug addiction or victimless crimes who lose custody of their children without even being given the chance to fight for them.

In her book The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration and the Age of Colorblindness, legal scholar and civil rights advocate Michelle Alexander calls life after prison a parallel to the slavery and Jim Crow era, "in which discrimination in nearly every aspect of social, political, and economic life is perfectly legal."

While Kendrick Lamar's statement may have seemed controversial to some, there's simply no denying that our criminal justice system is inherently racist.
And  the King shall answer and say unto them, Verily I say unto you, 
Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren,  ye have done it unto me.

Matthew 25:40

Offline Geolibertarian

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #4 on: March 18, 2017, 01:37:16 PM »
5 Ways The U.S. Prison Industrial Complex Mimics Slavery
https://www.bustle.com/articles/142340-5-ways-the-us-prison-industrial-complex-mimics-slavery

This will get even worse under the Trump administration:

-- http://www.gq.com/story/jeff-sessions-war-on-drugs

-- http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/jeff-sessions-goes-full-reefer-madness-on-pot-w472282

Is that going to be wrapped in the flag of "Americana" and "renaissance" too?  ::)
"Abolish all taxation save that upon land values." -- Henry George

"If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill." -- Thomas Edison

http://schalkenbach.org
http://www.monetary.org
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=203330.0

Offline Satyagraha

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #5 on: March 18, 2017, 01:41:24 PM »
How Prison Labor is the New American Slavery and Most of Us Unknowingly Support it
http://returntonow.net/2016/06/13/prison-labor-is-the-new-american-slavery/
JUNE 13, 2016 AT 11:58 PM


“Prison farms” aka “modern plantations”

American slavery was technically abolished in 1865, but a loophole in the 13th Amendment has allowed it to continue “as a punishment for crimes” well into the 21st century. Not surprisingly, corporations have lobbied for a broader and broader definition of “crime” in the last 150 years. As a result, there are more (mostly dark-skinned) people performing mandatory, essentially unpaid, hard labor in America today than there were in 1830.

With 5 percent of the world’s population and 25 percent of the world’s prison population, the United States has the largest incarcerated population in the world. No other society in history has imprisoned more of its own citizens. There are half a million more prisoners in the U.S. than in China, which has five times our population. Approximately 1 in 100 adults in America were incarcerated in 2014.  Out of an adult population of 245 million that year, there were 2.4 million people in prison, jail or some form of detention center.

The vast majority – 86 percent – of prisoners have been locked up for non-violent, victimless crimes, many of them drug-related.
While not all prisoners are “forced” to work, most “opt” to because life would be even more miserable if they didn’t, as they have to purchase pretty much everything above the barest necessities (and sometimes those too) with their hard-earned pennies. Some of them have legal fines to pay off and families to support on the outside. Often they come out more indebted than when they went in.

“Prison farms” aka “modern plantations”

In places like Texas, however, prison work is mandatory and unpaid – the literal definition of slave labor.

According the Texas Department of Criminal Justice, prisoners start their day with a 3:30 a.m. wake-up call and are served breakfast at 4:30 a.m. All prisoners who are physically able are required to report to their work assignments by 6 a.m.

“Offenders are not paid for their work, but they can earn privileges as a result of good work habits,” the website says.

Most prisoners work in prison support jobs, like cooking, cleaning, laundry, and maintenance, but about 2,500 of them work in the Texas prison system’s own “agribusiness department,” where they factory-farm 10,000 beef cattle, 20,000 pigs and a quarter million egg-laying hens. The prisoners also produce 74 million pounds of livestock feed per year, 300,000 cases of canned vegetables, and enough cotton to clothe themselves (and presumably others). They also work at meat packaging plants, where they process 14 million pounds of beef and 10 million pounds of pork per year.

While one of the department’s stated goals is to reduce operational costs by having prisoners produce their own food, the prison system admittedly earns revenue from “sales of surplus agricultural production.”

Prisoners who refuse to work – again, unpaid – are placed in solitary confinement. When asked if Texas prisons still employ “chain gangs” in the FAQ section, the department responds:

“No, Texas does not use chain gangs. However, offenders working outside the perimeter fence are supervised by armed correctional officers on horseback.”

Similar “prison farms” exist in Arizona, Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Louisiana, Mississippi, Ohio and other states, where prisoners are forced to work in agriculture, logging, quarrying and mining. Wikipedia says while the agricultural goods produced on prison farms is generally used to feed prisoners and other wards of the state (orphanages and asylums) they are also sold for profit.

In addition to being forced to labor directly for the profit of the government, inmates may be “farmed out” to private enterprises, through the practice of convict leasing, to work on private agricultural lands or related industries (fishing, lumbering, etc.). The party purchasing their labor from the government generally does so at a steep discount from the cost of free labor.


...

The full list of companies using SLAVE LABOR: http://buycott.com/campaign/companies/504/boycott-companies-that-use-prison-labor

But here's a sample:
Bank of America
Bayer
Cargill
Caterpillar
Chevron
Chrysler
Costco
John Deere
Eli Lilly and Company
Exxon Mobil
GlaxoSmithKline
Johnson and Johnson
K-Mart
Koch Industries
McDonald’s
Merck
Microsoft
Motorola
Nintendo
Pfizer
Procter & Gamble
Pepsi
ConAgra Foods
Shell
Starbucks
UPS
Verizon
WalMart
Wendy’s


And  the King shall answer and say unto them, Verily I say unto you, 
Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren,  ye have done it unto me.

Matthew 25:40

Offline EvadingGrid

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #6 on: March 18, 2017, 01:46:55 PM »
Koch Industries
“Hey, I’m a nationalist and a globalist”
-- Donald Trump

Offline Satyagraha

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #7 on: March 18, 2017, 01:58:57 PM »
This will get even worse under the Trump administration:

-- http://www.gq.com/story/jeff-sessions-war-on-drugs

-- http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/jeff-sessions-goes-full-reefer-madness-on-pot-w472282

Is that going to be wrapped in the flag of "Americana" and "renaissance" too?  ::)

Oh ABSOLUTELY. Everything gets wrapped in the American flag these days.

Rationalzing obvious police state actions on the part of the Trump administration has become a mandate to those Trump supporters who want so desperately to believe in the hero ju jour.

One of Trumps first EO's included building more "detention centers" aka prisons. These will be PRIVATELY run.
(Trump hands a gift to his friends in the private prison industry).

https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2017/01/25/executive-order-border-security-and-immigration-enforcement-improvements

Sec. 5.  Detention Facilities. (a)  The Secretary shall take all appropriate action and allocate all legally available resources to immediately construct, operate, control, or establish contracts to construct, operate, or control facilities to detain aliens at or near the land border with Mexico.

For-Profit Prisons Could See Boost With Trump’s Executive Order To Open New Detention Centers
https://consumerist.com/2017/01/25/for-profit-prisons-could-see-boost-with-trumps-executive-order-to-open-new-detention-centers/

While much of today’s news about President Trump’s latest executive order is the directive to build his often-promised wall along the border between Mexico and the U.S., the order also directs the federal government to get to work immediately on building — or contracting out — detention centers along that border, providing a potential boon to the for-profit prison industry.

Section 5 of today’s order directs new Homeland Security Secretary John Kelly to “take all appropriate action and allocate all legally available resources to immediately construct, operate, control, or establish contracts to construct, operate, or control facilities to detain aliens at or near the land border with Mexico.” [Note: bolded for emphasis]

This “or establish contracts” condition is important, as it would allow for private operators of detention facilities to sell their services to the federal government.

That may be expedient, but it would also be a complete course-reversal from the last administration, which had recently moved to stop doing business with many for-profit prison services.

Last August, then-Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates announced plans to phase out the federal government’s use of private prisons. These facilities account for around 15% of all federal prisoners, at a cost to taxpayers of around $639 million.

A report [PDF] by the Justice Department’s Office of Inspector General concluded that contract prisons had more incidents of lockdowns, discipline, contraband, assaults (on prisoners and staff), and grievances per capita than facilities operated by the Federal Bureau of Prisons. The report also claimed that prisoners at contract prisons were eight times more likely to be found with contraband cellphones.

As a result, the DOJ said it would likely not renew contracts with the few remaining private prison operators, with expectation of cutting the number of inmates at these facilities in half by May 2017.

However, since President Trump was elected in early November, the fortunes of the nation’s largest private jailers has turned around.

The stock price for CoreCivic, previously known as Corrections Corporation of America, was at a 5-year low just before the election, with shares trading at less than half of what they were worth a year earlier.

Immediately following Trump’s electoral win, Core’s share price soared. It received another bump after Nov. 18, when Jeff Sessions was nominated for Attorney General. The stock is now more than double where it was on Nov. 8:



Another large private prison operation, GEO Group has seen a similar reversal of fortune, and is now a just short of its 5-year high share price:



Even before today’s announcement, some analysts were predicting higher earnings for GEO and others in the private prison industry.

GEO also made not insubstantial donations to Rebuilding America Now, a super-PAC supporting Trump’s candidacy. The day after the DOJ report was released, the company donated $100,000 to the organization. This was followed by a $125,000 donation on Nov. 1, according to data from the Center for Responsive Politics.

As Bloomberg recently pointed out, the DOJ’s decision to phase out federal inmates at these facilities did not necessarily impact their use by Homeland Security, a separate agency whose cabinet-level Secretary reports directly to the President. Weeks after the DOJ allowed a contract with CoreCivic for one of its facilities to lapse, the company signed a deal with DHS to house immigrants.

In fact, if the DOJ is to continue or expand its use of private prisons, some of these companies could benefit twice: First by being paid to house illegal immigrants who have been convicted of federal crimes; then again later for hold those same people after they have been released, but have not yet been deported.

The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE) currently has around 30,000 beds at its disposal on any given day to house detainees. Former ICE chief John Sandweg told the NY Times last spring that in order to meet the demand needed by then-candidate Trump’s proposals, ICE would need about ten times that number of spots to house detainees. CoreCivic and GEO already bring in a combined $1.3 billion from ICE contracts annually.

Today’s executive order also raises questions about the locations for these detention centers. The order specifies that they be “at or near the land border with Mexico.” However, critics of Trump’s border plan have pointed to nonpartisan research from Pew showing that — as of 2012 — illegal border crossings from Mexico appeared to be at their lowest level in decades.

========================================

So who will be filling the estimated 330,000 beds?



And  the King shall answer and say unto them, Verily I say unto you, 
Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren,  ye have done it unto me.

Matthew 25:40

Offline Satyagraha

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #8 on: March 18, 2017, 02:14:56 PM »
Koch Industries

Slave Labor, Prison Privatization, Prison Industry - ALEC Conservatives push this agenda nationwide!
https://www.dailykos.com/story/2011/5/9/974443/-
By Bob Sloan 
Monday May 09, 2011 · 3:55 PM EDT

Privatize, privatize, privatization of anything owned or controlled by the public or taxpayers is again being applied by Conservatives from coast to coast.  Sadly through the manipulations of ALEC and their thousands of legislative and corporate members, this agenda that began way back in the 80's is once again being used to usurp more public assets.  These assets include publicly built prisons, work-release centers, medical care facilities, schools and a myriad assortment of other buildings, programs and initiatives that now exists due to public funding.

ALEC claims that corporations can run and operate these necessary programs and prisons more efficiently than public employees.  They claim this will reduce government staffing and thus government payrolls and somehow make us all safer (corrections), smarter (school voucher programs), our kids better trained to enter the workplace (repeal of child labor laws) and help reduce municipal, city, state and county costs (using inmates in place of public employees).

Like any other pyramid scheme turned lose on society, this one is well funded by the likes of Koch Industries and their owners, Charles and David Koch, AT&T and other communications and telecom companies, PhaRma and related pharmaceutical manufacturers.  It is well advertised to the public through Republican and Conservative PAC's such as Heritage Foundation, Reason Foundation, Americans for Prosperity Foundation,  and includes the professional opinions of researchers and scholars provided by such as the CATO Institute, Manhattan Institute,Foundation for Research on Economics and the Environment, Pacific Research Institute for Public Policy and the Tax Foundation.

The foregoing entities with links provided, are funded, founded or supported with Koch money.

(Cont)

Also see: Making a Killing: How Prison Corporations Are
Profiting From Campaign Contributions and
Putting Taxpayers at Risk


And  the King shall answer and say unto them, Verily I say unto you, 
Inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these my brethren,  ye have done it unto me.

Matthew 25:40

Offline Geolibertarian

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #9 on: March 18, 2017, 02:20:35 PM »
So who will be filling the estimated 330,000 beds?

Apparently if Trump's Attorney General has his way, pot smokers will.

What would Jeff Sessions do if God materialized as a human being? Have him arrested for creating marijuana in the first place?  ::)

     

At least U.S. politicians had the decency to amend the Constitution when they decided to wage war on alcohol.

No such amendment was ever passed with regard to marijuana.

What's so "Americana" about knowingly violating the 9th and 10th Amendments?

What's so "Americana" about SWAT-teaming people for daring to grow a politically incorrect plant on their own property?
"Abolish all taxation save that upon land values." -- Henry George

"If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill." -- Thomas Edison

http://schalkenbach.org
http://www.monetary.org
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=203330.0

Offline Geolibertarian

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #10 on: March 18, 2017, 02:38:42 PM »
Now this is what I call "Americana"...

Vices Are Not Crimes

A Vindication Of Moral Liberty

by Lysander Spooner
1875

I.

Vices are those acts by which a man harms himself or his property.

Crimes are those acts by which one man harms the person or property of another.

Vices are simply the errors which a man makes in his search after his own happiness. Unlike crimes, they imply no malice toward others, and no interference with their persons or property.

In vices, the very essence of crime --- that is, the design to injure the person or property of another --- is wanting.

It is a maxim of the law that there can be no crime without a criminal intent; that is, without the intent to invade the person or property of another. But no one ever practises a vice with any such criminal intent. He practises his vice for his own happiness solely, and not from any malice toward others.

Unless this clear distinction between vices and crimes be made and recognized by the laws, there can be on earth no such thing as individual right, liberty, or property; no such things as the right of one man to the control of his own person and property, and the corresponding and coequal rights of another man to the control of his own person and property.

For a government to declare a vice to be a crime, and to punish it as such, is an attempt to falsify the very nature of things. It is as absurd as it would be to declare truth to be falsehood, or falsehood truth.

II.

Every voluntary act of a man’s life is either virtuous or vicious. That is to say, it is either in accordance, or in conflict, with those natural laws of matter and mind, on which his physical, mental, and emotional health and well-being depend. In other words, every act of his life tends, on the whole, either to his happiness, or to his unhappiness. No single act in his whole existence is indifferent.

Furthermore, each human being differs in his physical, mental, and emotional constitution, and also in the circumstances by which he is surrounded, from every other human being. Many acts, therefore, that are virtuous, and tend to happiness, in the case of one person, are vicious, and tend to unhappiness, in the case of another person.

Many acts, also, that are virtuous, and tend to happiness, in the case of one man, at one time, and under one set of circumstances, are vicious, and tend to unhappiness, in the case of the same man, at another time, and under other circumstances.

III.

To know what actions are virtuous, and what vicious --- in other words, to know what actions tend, on the whole, to happiness, and what to unhappiness --- in the case of each and every man, in each and all the conditions in which they may severally be placed, is the profoundest and most complex study to which the greatest human mind ever has been, or ever can be, directed. It is, nevertheless, the constant study to which each and every man --- the humblest in intellect as well as the greatest --- is necessarily driven by the desires and necessities of his own existence. It is also the study in which each and every person, from his cradle to his grave, must necessarily form his own conclusions; because no one else knows or feels, or can know or feel, as he knows and feels, the desires and necessities, the hopes, and fears, and impulses of his own nature, or the pressure of his own circumstances.

IV.

It is not often possible to say of those acts that are called vices, that they really are vices, except in degree. That is, it is difficult to say of any actions, or courses of action, that are called vices, that they really would have been vices, if they had stopped short of a certain point. The question of virtue or vice, therefore, in all such cases, is a question of quantity and degree, and not of the intrinsic character of any single act, by itself. This fact adds to the difficulty, not to say the impossibility, of any one’s --- except each individual for himself --- drawing any accurate line, or anything like any accurate line, between virtue and vice; that is, of telling where virtue ends, and vice begins. And this is another reason why this whole question of virtue and vice should be left for each person to settle for himself.

V.

Vices are usually pleasurable, at least for the time being, and often do not disclose themselves as vices, by their effects, until after they have been practised for many years; perhaps for a lifetime. To many, perhaps most, of those who practise them, they do not disclose themselves as vices at all during life. Virtues, on the other band, often appear so harsh and rugged, they require the sacrifice of so much present happiness, at least, and the results, which alone prove them to be virtues, are often so distant and obscure, in fact, so absolutely invisible to the minds of many, especially of the young, that, from the very nature of things, there can be no universal, or even general, knowledge that they are virtues. In truth, the studies of profound philosophers have been expended --- if not wholly in vain, certainly with very small results --- in efforts to draw the lines between the virtues and the vices.

If, then, it became so difficult, so nearly impossible, in most cases, to determine what is, and what is not, vice; and especially if it be so difficult, in nearly all cases, to determine where virtue ends, and vice begins; and if these questions, which no one can really and truly determine for anybody but himself, are not to be left free and open for experiment by all, each person is deprived of the highest of all his rights as a human being, to wit: his right to inquire, investigate, reason, try experiments, judge, and ascertain for himself, what is, to him, virtue, and what is, to him, vice; in other words: what, on the whole, conduces to his happiness, and what, on the whole, tends to his unhappiness. If this great right is not to be left free and open to all, then each man’s whole right, as a reasoning human being, to" liberty and the pursuit of happiness," is denied him.

VI.

We all come into the world in ignorance of ourselves, and of everything around us. By a fundamental law of our natures we are all constantly impelled by the desire of happiness, and the fear of pain. But we have everything to learn, as to what will give us happiness, and save us from pain. No two of us are wholly alike, either physically, mentally, or emotionally; or, consequently, in our physical, mental, or emotional requirements for the acquisition of happiness, and the avoidance of unhappiness. No one of us, therefore, can learn this indispensable lesson of happiness and unhappiness, of virtue and vice, for another. Each must learn it for himself. To learn it, he must be at liberty to try all experiments that commend themselves to his judgment. Some of his experiments succeed, and, because they succeed, are called virtues; others fail, and, because they fail, are called vices. He gathers wisdom as much from his failures as from his successes; from his so-called vices, as from his so-called virtues. Both are necessary to his acquisition of that knowledge --- of his own nature, and of the world around him, and of their adaptations or non-adaptations to each other --- which shall show him how happiness is acquired, and pain avoided. And, unless he can be permitted to try these experiments to his own satisfaction, he is restrained from the acquisition of knowledge, and, consequently, from pursuing the great purpose and duty of his life.

VII.

A man is under no obligation to take anybody’s word, or yield to anybody's authority, on a matter so vital to himself, and in regard to which no one else has, or can have, any such interest as he. He cannot, if he would, safely rely upon the opinions of other men, because be finds that the opinions of other men do not agree. Certain actions, or courses of action, have been practised by many millions of men, through successive generations, and have been held by them to be, on the whole, conducive to happiness, and therefore virtuous. Other men, in other ages or countries, or under other condition, have held, as the result of their experience and observation, that these actions tended, on the whole, to unhappiness, and were therefore vicious. The question of virtue or vice, as already remarked in a previous section, has also been, in most minds, a question of degree; that is, of the extent to which certain actions should be carried; and not of the intrinsic character of any single act, by itself. The questions of virtue and vice have therefore been as various, and, in fact, as infinite, as the varieties of mind, body, and condition of the different individuals inhabiting the globe. And the experience of ages has left an infinite number of these questions unsettled. In fact, it can scarcely be said to have settled any of them.

VIII.

In the midst of this endless variety of opinion, what man, or what body of men, has the right to say, in regard to any particular action, or course of action, "We have tried this experiment, and determined every question involved in it? We have determined it, not only for ourselves, but for all others? And, as to all those who are weaker than we, we will coerce them to act in obedience to our conclusion? We will suffer no further experiment or inquiry by any one, and, consequently, no further acquisition of knowledge by anybody?"

Who are the men who have the right to say this? Certainly there are none such. The men who really do say it, are either shameless impostors and tyrants, who would stop the progress of knowledge, and usurp absolute control over the minds and bodies of their fellow men; and are therefore to be resisted instantly, and to the last extent; or they are themselves too ignorant of their own weaknesses, and of their true relations to other men, to be entitled to any other consideration than sheer pity or contempt.

We know, however, that there are such men as these in the world. Some of them attempt to exercise their power only within a small sphere, to wit, upon their children, their neighbors, their townsmen, and their countrymen. Others attempt to exercise it on a larger scale. For example, an old man at Rome, aided by a few subordinates, attempts to decide all questions of virtue and vice; that is, of truth or falsehood, especially in matters of religion. He claims to know and teach what religious ideas and practices are conducive, or fatal, to a man’s happiness, not only in this world, but in that which is to come. He claims to be miraculously inspired for the performance of this work; thus virtually acknowledging, like a sensible man, that nothing short of miraculous inspiration would qualify him for it. This miraculous inspiration, however, has been ineffectual to enable him to settle more than a very few questions. The most important to which common mortals can attain, is an implicit belief in his (the pope’s) infallibility! and, secondly, that the blackest vices of which they can be guilty are to believe and declare that he is only a man like the rest of them!

It required some fifteen or eighteen hundred years to enable him to reach definite conclusions on these two vital points. Yet it would seem that the first of these must necessarily be preliminary to his settlement of any other questions; because, until his own infallibility is determined, he can authoritatively decide nothing else. He has, however, heretofore attempted or pretended to settle a few others. And he may, perhaps, attempt or pretend to settle a few more in the future, if he shall continue to find anybody to listen to him. But his success, thus far, certainly does not encourage the belief that he will be able to settle all questions of virtue and vice, even in his peculiar department of religion, in time to meet the necessities of mankind. He, or his successors, will undoubtedly be compelled, at no distant day, to acknowledge that he has undertaken a task to which all his miraculous inspiration was inadequate; and that, of necessity, each human being must be left to settle all questions of this kind for himself. And it is not unreasonable to expect that all other popes, in other and lesser spheres, will some time have cause to come to the same conclusion. No one, certainly, not claiming supernatural inspiration, should undertake a task to which obviously nothing less than such inspiration is adequate. And, clearly, no one should surrender his own judgment to the teachings of others, unless he be first convinced that these others have something more than ordinary human knowledge on this subject.

If those persons, who fancy themselves gifted with both the power and the right to define and punish other men’s vices, would but turn their thoughts inwardly, they would probably find that they have a great work to do at home; and that, when that shall have been completed, they will be little disposed to do more towards correcting the vices of others, than simply to give to others the results of their experience and observation. In this sphere their labors may possibly be useful; but, in the sphere of infallibility and coercion, they will probably, for well-known reasons, meet with even less success in the future than such men have met with in the past.

IX.

It is now obvious, from the reasons already given, that government would be utterly impracticable, if it were to take cognizance of vices, and punish them as crimes. Every human being has his or her vices. Nearly all men have a great many. And they are of all kinds; physiological, mental, emotional; religious, social, commercial, industrial, economical, etc., etc. If government is to take cognizance of any of these vices, and punish them as crimes, then, to be consistent, it must take cognizance of all, and punish all impartially. The consequence would be, that everybody would be in prison for his or her vices. There would be no one left outside to lock the doors upon those within. In fact, courts enough could not be found to try the offenders, nor prisons enough built to hold them. All human industry in the acquisition of knowledge, and even in acquiring the means of subsistence, would be arrested: for we should all be under constant trial or imprisonment for our vices. But even if it were possible to imprison all the vicious, our knowledge of human nature tells us that, as a general rule, they would be far more vicious in prison than they ever have been out of it.

X.

A government that shall punish all vices impartially is so obviously an impossibility, that nobody was ever found, or ever will be found, foolish enough to propose it. The most that any one proposes is, that government shall punish some one, or at most a few, of what he esteems the grossest of them. But this discrimination is an utterly absurd, illogical, and tyrannical one. What right has any body of men to say, "The vices of other men we will punish; but our own vices nobody shall punish? We will restrain other men from seeking their own happiness, according to their own notions of it; but nobody shall restrain us from seeking our own happiness, according to our own notions of it? We will restrain other men from acquiring any experimental knowledge of what is conducive or necessary to their own happiness; but nobody shall restrain us from acquiring an experimental knowledge of what is conducive or necessary to our own happiness?"

Nobody but knaves or blockheads ever thinks of making such absurd assumptions as these. And yet, evidently, it is only upon such assumptions that anybody can claim the right to punish the vices of others, and at the same time claim exemption from punishment for his own.

[Continued...]
"Abolish all taxation save that upon land values." -- Henry George

"If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill." -- Thomas Edison

http://schalkenbach.org
http://www.monetary.org
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=203330.0

Offline TahoeBlue

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #11 on: March 19, 2017, 12:52:34 PM »
just for reference:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Penal_labour

Penal labour is a generic term for various kinds of unfree labour which prisoners are required to perform, typically manual labour. The work may be light or hard, depending on the context. Forms of sentence involving penal labour have included involuntary servitude, penal servitude and imprisonment with hard labour. The term may refer to several related scenarios: labour as a form of punishment, the prison system used as a means to secure labour, and labour as providing occupation for convicts. These scenarios can be applied to those imprisoned for political, religious, war, or other reasons as well as to criminal convicts.

Large-scale implementations of penal labour include labour camps, prison farms, penal colonies, penal military units, penal transportation, or aboard prison ships.
,...

United States
Main article: Penal labor in the United States

Federal Prison Industries (UNICOR or FPI) is a wholly owned United States government corporation created in 1934 that uses penal labor from the Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) to produce goods and services. FPI is restricted to selling its products and services to federal government agencies and has no access to the commercial market.[27]

The 13th Amendment of the American Constitution in 1865 explicitly allows penal labor as it states that "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for a crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."[28][29]

Unconvicted detainees awaiting trial cannot be forced to participate in forced rehabilitative labor programs in prison as it violates the Thirteenth Amendment.

The "convict lease" system became popular throughout the South following the American Civil War and into the 20th century. Since the impoverished state governments could not afford penitentiaries, they leased out prisoners to work at private firms.

Reformers abolished convict leasing in the 20th-century Progressive Era. At the same time, labor has been required at many prisons.

In 1934, federal prison officials concerned about growing unrest in prisons lobbied to create a work program. Private companies got involved again in 1979, when Congress passed a law establishing the Prison Industry Enhancement Certification Program which allows employment opportunities for prisoners in some circumstances.[30]

Penal labor is sometimes used as a punishment in the U.S. military.[31]

Over the years, the courts have held that inmates may be required to work and are not protected by the constitutional prohibition against involuntary servitude.[32]

Correctional standards promulgated by the American Correctional Association provide that sentenced inmates, who are generally housed in maximum, medium, or minimum security prisons, be required to work and be paid for that work.[33]
Some states require, as with Arizona, all able-bodied inmates to work.[34]

\ - - - -

https://www.loc.gov/rr/program/bib/ourdocs/13thamendment.html
13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution

The 13th Amendment to the Constitution declared that "Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction."

Formally abolishing slavery in the United States, the 13th Amendment was passed by the Congress on January 31, 1865, and ratified by the states on December 6, 1865.

https://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=013/llsl013.db&recNum=596
Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth: therefore despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty: For he maketh sore, and bindeth up: he woundeth, and his hands make whole ; He shall deliver thee in six troubles: yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee. - Job 5

Offline TahoeBlue

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #12 on: March 19, 2017, 12:58:19 PM »
Last Year:

http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2016/09/prison-strike-inmate-labor-work
Why Prisoners Across the Country Have Gone on Strike
Activists say the prison labor system needs an overhaul.
Kanyakrit Vongkiatkajorn
Sep. 19, 2016 6:00 AM

An inmate pushes a bin of greens inside a processing plant at the Louisiana State Penitentiary in Angola. Gerald Herbert/AP Photo

Following a call for a nationwide prison strike that began September 9, inmates in at least three states have organized work stoppages or staged protests in support of improving their wages and working conditions. Here's the latest on the strike and the issues behind it:

How many prisoners are on strike?

The strike's organizers had originally expected prisoners in 21 states to participate. So far, they say that prisoners in at least 29 prisons in 12 states have launched strikes and more than 24,000 prisoners have missed work.
...

How does prison labor work?

The strike, billed by activists as one of the first nationally coordinated strikes among prisoners, is intended to combat prison labor conditions, or what they call "modern-day slavery."

The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution abolished slavery, but left an exception for people who have been convicted of crimes. This means that prisoners can legally be put to work for little to no pay.

Inmates in state and federal prisons do many different types of work. All inmates who are medically able must do mandatory jobs, such as maintenance, cleaning, and kitchen duties. Inmates may be paid for this work—usually between 12 to 40 cents an hour. But some states, including Texas, Arkansas, and Georgia, do not pay inmates at all. Eligible inmates may participate in work programs, such as the Federal Prison Industries programs (known as UNICOR) or the Prison Industry Enhancement (PIE) Certification program, which pay wages and generally teach work skills. In UNICOR programs, wages range from 23 cents to $1.15 an hour. However, only about 7 percent of eligible inmates are employed by federal prison industry programs.
...

What are the main criticisms of prison labor?

Despite some of these benefits, inmates and their advocates say the current prison labor system has to be overhauled. Some of their criticisms include:

• All prisoners are required to work: As long as prisoners are medically able, they must work, notes the Federal Bureau of Prisons. Various welcome manuals for prisoners also similarly state that inmates must work. ("Work is a necessary part of your daily life while in prison," notes a handbook for prisoners in Georgia, which does not pay its inmates.) In Texas, inmates who refuse to work, lose their privileges and are confined to their cells for 24 hours a day.

• There's not really a legal way for prisoners to ask for better wages or work conditions: Though prisoners aren't necessarily excluded from laws such as the Fair Labor Standards Act, which establishes the country's minimum wage, they're not necessarily covered by it either. That's because courts generally do not consider prisoners to be employees. As a result, previous cases where prisoners have sued for minimum wage have failed. And as an investigation by the American Prospect notes, labor unions are reluctant to represent prison workers, because prison labor produces goods that competes with other industries.

Prisoners' low wages are subject to taxes and deductions: In the PIE program, inmates are supposed to be paid prevailing wages. But up to 80 percent of inmates' wages may go to taxes and deductions, including deductions for victim's compensation funds, restitution to victims, and child support. Additionally, if an inmate wants to take part in a work-release program, some states deduct a percentage of his wages to cover the cost of the program and other incidentals. And while prison labor helps prisons and their states save money (prison workers reportedly helped Florida taxpayers save more than $59 million in 2014), prisoners may have to pay additional fines and fees. A 2010 study by the Brennan Center for Justice found that states and counties are increasingly imposing "per diem" fees on prisoners, resulting in some inmates going into debt by the time they are released.

• There are few workplace safety standards for prisoners: In 2010, the Government Accountability Office slammed the federal prison system for purposefully hiding dangerous practices at an electronic waste recycling plant staffed by inmates. "Most people don't think of prisoners as a vulnerable population, [with] high degrees of mental illness and social isolation," says Paul Wright, an editor at Prison Legal News. "It's an easy population to exploit physically, labor-wise and by every other means."
Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth: therefore despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty: For he maketh sore, and bindeth up: he woundeth, and his hands make whole ; He shall deliver thee in six troubles: yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee. - Job 5

Offline TahoeBlue

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #13 on: March 19, 2017, 04:13:57 PM »
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FHx2nLFMAzE
Let's Visit the World of the Future  1973 v
Ivan Stang   

http://www.apa.org/research/action/prison.aspx
Demonstrating the Power of Social Situations via a Simulated Prison Experiment

In 1971, a team of psychologists designed and executed an unusual experiment that used a mock prison setting, with college students role-playing prisoners and guards to test the power of the social situation to determine behavior. The research, known as the Stanford Prison Experiment, has become a classic demonstration of situational power to influence individual attitudes, values and behavior. So extreme, swift and unexpected were the transformations of character in many of the participants that this study -- planned to last two-weeks -- had to be terminated by the sixth day.

Findings

A person-centered analysis of human behavior attributes most behavior change, in positive or negative directions, to internal, dispositional features of individuals. The factors commonly believed to direct behavior are to be found in the operation of genes, temperament, personality traits, personal pathologies and virtues. A situation-centered approach, in contrast, focuses on factors external to the person, to the behavioral context in which individuals are functioning. Although human behavior is almost always a function of the interaction of person and situation, social psychologists have called attention to the attributional biases in much of psychology and among the general public that overestimates the importance of dispositional factors while underestimating situational factors. This "fundamental attribution error" they argue, leads to a misrepresentation of both causal determinants and means for modifying undesirable behavior patterns. Research by social psychologist Stanley Milgram, PhD, (1974; see also Blass, 1999) was one of the earliest demonstrations of the extent to which a large sample of ordinary American citizens could be led to blindly obey unjust authority in delivering extreme levels of shock to an innocent "victim."

The Stanford Prison Experiment extended that analysis to demonstrate the surprisingly profound impact of institutional forces on the behavior of normal, healthy participants. Philip Zimbardo, PhD, and his research team of Craig Haney, Curtis Banks, David Jaffe, and ex convict consultant, Carlo Prescott (Zimbardo, Haney, Banks, & Jaffe, 1973) designed a study that separated the usual dispositional factors among correctional personnel and prisoners from the situational factors that characterize many prisons. They wanted to determine what prison-like settings bring out in people that are not confounded by what people bring into prisons. They sought to discover to what extent the violence and anti-social behaviors often found in prisons can be traced to the "bad apples" that go into prisons or to the "bad barrels" (the prisons themselves) that can corrupt behavior of even ordinary, good people.

The study was conducted this way: College students from all over the United States who answered a city newspaper ad for participants in a study of prison life were personally interviewed, given a battery of personality tests, and completed background surveys that enabled the researchers to pre-select only those who were mentally and physically healthy, normal and well adjusted. They were randomly assigned to role-play either prisoners or guards in the simulated prison setting constructed in the basement of Stanford University's Psychology Department. The prison setting was designed as functional simulation of the central features present in the psychology of imprisonment (Zimbardo, Maslach, & Haney, 1999). Read a full description of the methodology, chronology of daily events and transformations of human character that were revealed.

The major results of the study can be summarized as:
many of the normal, healthy mock prisoners suffered such intense emotional stress reactions that they had to be released in a matter of days;
most of the other prisoners acted like zombies totally obeying the demeaning orders of the guards;
the distress of the prisoners was caused by their sense of powerlessness induced by the guards who began acting in cruel, dehumanizing and even sadistic ways.

The study was terminated prematurely because it was getting out of control in the extent of degrading actions being perpetrated by the guards against the prisoners - all of whom had been normal, healthy, ordinary young college students less than a week before.
Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth: therefore despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty: For he maketh sore, and bindeth up: he woundeth, and his hands make whole ; He shall deliver thee in six troubles: yea, in seven there shall no evil touch thee. - Job 5

Offline EvadingGrid

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #14 on: March 19, 2017, 09:11:37 PM »
Incidentally one of the many, many causes of the collapse of the Roman Empire was Slavery
The free labour damaged the economy and created unemployment.

Sound Familiar ?

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Offline donnay

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #15 on: March 19, 2017, 09:18:17 PM »
We are ALL slaves on the global plantation.   Until everyone wakes up to that fact it isn't going away.
"Logic is an enemy and truth is a menace." ~ Rod Serling
"Cops today are nothing but an armed tax collector" ~ Frank Serpico
"To be normal, to drink Coca-Cola and eat Kentucky Fried Chicken is to be in a conspiracy against yourself."
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Offline EvadingGrid

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #16 on: March 19, 2017, 09:29:47 PM »
Every Slave puts a Worker out of a Job.
That unemployed worker has less to spend, so it hurts the shop keeping middle classes.
In other words, people thinking "It does not effect me" are wrong.
Most ironic and important for the "Hang 'em flog 'em" is that it creates crime.
Yup, and we have known that it increases crime since the time of the Romans.

The Prison Industry creates crime.
“Hey, I’m a nationalist and a globalist”
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Offline donnay

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #17 on: March 19, 2017, 09:34:40 PM »
Every Slave puts a Worker out of a Job.
That unemployed worker has less to spend, so it hurts the shop keeping middle classes.
In other words, people thinking "It does not effect me" are wrong.
Most ironic and important for the "Hang 'em flog 'em" is that it creates crime.
Yup, and we have known that it increases crime since the time of the Romans.

The Prison Industry creates crime.

That's why you should like Trump, he is trying to stop slave labor.
"Logic is an enemy and truth is a menace." ~ Rod Serling
"Cops today are nothing but an armed tax collector" ~ Frank Serpico
"To be normal, to drink Coca-Cola and eat Kentucky Fried Chicken is to be in a conspiracy against yourself."
"People that don't want to make waves sit in stagnant waters."

Offline EvadingGrid

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #18 on: March 19, 2017, 09:38:47 PM »
That's why you should like Trump, he is trying to stop slave labor.

If he shuts down the Prison Industry I'll cheer him on.
“Hey, I’m a nationalist and a globalist”
-- Donald Trump

Offline donnay

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #19 on: March 19, 2017, 09:47:28 PM »
If he shuts down the Prison Industry I'll cheer him on.

Well, stand-by.  Just a little over 50 days have commenced and he has done a lot.  He is only human.  ;)
"Logic is an enemy and truth is a menace." ~ Rod Serling
"Cops today are nothing but an armed tax collector" ~ Frank Serpico
"To be normal, to drink Coca-Cola and eat Kentucky Fried Chicken is to be in a conspiracy against yourself."
"People that don't want to make waves sit in stagnant waters."

Offline donnay

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #20 on: March 19, 2017, 10:08:44 PM »
"Logic is an enemy and truth is a menace." ~ Rod Serling
"Cops today are nothing but an armed tax collector" ~ Frank Serpico
"To be normal, to drink Coca-Cola and eat Kentucky Fried Chicken is to be in a conspiracy against yourself."
"People that don't want to make waves sit in stagnant waters."

Offline Geolibertarian

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #21 on: March 20, 2017, 08:17:36 AM »
If he shuts down the Prison Industry I'll cheer him on.

By making drug war advocate, Jeff Sessions, Attorney General, he's made it clear that he intends to allow the prison-industrial complex to keep right on growing like a cancer under his watch.

-- http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2017/02/23/private-prisons-back-trump-and-could-see-big-payoffs-new-policies/98300394/

The lame excuses I keep hearing from his supporters are eerily reminiscent of the excuses I heard from Obama supporters for eight years.
"Abolish all taxation save that upon land values." -- Henry George

"If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill." -- Thomas Edison

http://schalkenbach.org
http://www.monetary.org
http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=203330.0

Offline freedom_commonsense

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Re: Slavery Still Legal in the United States
« Reply #22 on: March 20, 2017, 11:02:30 AM »
Not surprising given the money they donated through the PAC.