Author Topic: Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex  (Read 28094 times)

Offline Biggs

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Well, it WAS working in Holland...

Dutch Bill to Ban Magic Mushrooms
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7369431.stm

yes there are backward people in Holland too, lots of traditionalists and some extreme christians ruining it for everyone else
STOP THE KILLING NOW
END THE CRIMINAL SIEGE OF GAZA - FREE PALESTINE!!!!!!!

Offline DCUBED

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Private-Prison Sector is now Big Business
« Reply #41 on: May 11, 2008, 07:00:08 pm »
http://halife.com/business/financial_update05122.html

A once ailing private-prison sector is now a revenue maker


At the beginning of the decade, the private prison industry was in a tailspin. After several profitable years in the 1990s, companies contracting prison beds to public corrections agencies were losing revenue at an alarming rate.

Capital earned during the 1990s had been poured into a speculative prison-building boom that backfired. State corrections agencies, a mainstay of what was then a relatively new industry, had begun pulling inmates out. There were too many prison beds and too few prisoners.

"They basically had overbuilt," said Anton Hie, an analyst in the Nashville office of Jefferies and Co. who covered industry leader Corrections Corporation of America and its closest competitor, the GEO Group, for several years through the end of 2006. "There was a lot of promise of new inmates that never came. ... It kind of all came crashing in."

Then, in early 2000, CCA announced a lucrative new contract. The Immigration and Naturalization Service was to house 1,000 detainees at the company's San Diego Correctional Facility in Otay Mesa, built as part of the late-1990s construction boom. The agency agreed to pay a per diem fee of $89.50 for every person held.

In a news release at the time, a company principal heralded the San Diego agreement as "one of the largest contracts ever to be awarded to the private corrections industry."

It was one of a series of federal contracts that experts credit with saving the private prison industry, and at the same time marking a turning point in the way that immigrant detainees - illegal immigrants, asylum-seekers, legal residents appealing deportation and others - are held.

"The private prison industry was on the verge of bankruptcy in the late 1990s, until the feds bailed them out with the immigration-detention contracts," said Michele Deitch, an expert on prison privatization with the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas in Austin.

As increasingly tough immigration laws have called for the detention and deportation of ever more immigrants, the demand for bed space by immigration authorities has helped turn what was once a dying business into a multibillion-dollar industry with record revenue and stock prices several times higher than they were eight years ago.

In San Diego, CCA is in the permitting process to build a nearly 3,000-bed facility that the company hopes will be used by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE. It would hold more than four times the detainees held in San Diego now.

Federal contracts from three agencies - ICE, the U.S. Marshals Service and the Bureau of Prisons - account for 40 percent of the 2007 revenue of CCA, which controls almost half of the private prison beds in the United States. Thirteen percent of the company's revenue, which hit a record of nearly $1.5 billion last year, comes directly from ICE. The company reported a net income of $133 million last year.

The competing GEO Group, formerly known as Wackenhut Corrections Corp., credits the three agencies for 27 percent of its operating revenue last year, with ICE responsible for 11 percent. The company, which earned total revenues of $1.2 billion in 2007, runs the Western Regional Detention Facility in downtown San Diego, a U.S. Marshals Service prison from which ICE rents short-term space.

Other prison players that have benefited from immigration-detention contracts include the Cornell Cos., based in Texas, and Management and Training Corp., a privately held Utah company that in 2006 opened what is now the nation's largest ICE facility, a set of tentlike structures in Willacy, Texas, that holds 2,000 people and will soon hold more. A 1,086-bed expansion was completed in March.

Detention contracts are not the only ones fueling the recent growth of prison companies, which have benefited from other federal contracts while enjoying a resurgence in demand for state prison beds.

However, it's the federal contracts that pay best, experts say. Housing federal detainees typically brings in more per "man-day," an industry term for what is earned per detainee. Companies also house immigrants for other federal agencies. CCA and GEO Group, for example, contract with the Bureau of Prisons to house foreign-born inmates under a federal "criminal alien" program. Both companies contract extensively with the U.S. Marshals Service, which receives federal funding to hold a growing number of immigrants being prosecuted for illegal re-entry after deportation.

"The federal system over the last five to seven years has been by far the largest-growing part of the (private prison) system, and it is because of the immigrant-detainee population," Deitch said.

For the federal government, the appeal of contractors is obvious: According to ICE, the agency spent $119.28 per day on average last year to house a detainee at an agency-run facility, compared with $87.99 per day at a contract detention facility.

EMPTY BEDS TO RICHES

The private prison industry as it exists today dates to the 1980s, when state governments were grappling with overcrowding. Tougher sentencing guidelines created demand for more prison space, but many states lacked the funds and political support to build it.

The industry did well meeting this demand for several years, but it was almost done in a decade later by overexpansion and other problems. By the end of the 1990s, the industry was in "capital destruction mode," said Hie, the analyst.

"They were victims of their own success," Hie said. "They had so much money to spend on new prisons that they went out and did it."

At the same time, the industry was rocked by a series of highly publicized escapes, riots and other scandals, among them a 1996 videotape showing inmates in a now-defunct firm's Texas prison being kicked by officers and attacked by dogs, which prompted an FBI investigation.

"Many states started learning that they were not saving money, and more importantly, that there were a lot of liabilities associated with privatization," Deitch said. "A lot of states stopped contracting."

CCA's stock value took a dizzying tumble, falling from a high of $70.13 on Jan. 1, 1998, to $1.15 on the same date three years later. In 2000, the company reported a net loss of $253.7 million.

Rival Wackenhut's stock price, while not nearly as high, dropped to less than a third of its value between early January 1998 and 2001. Some smaller companies went out of business, Deitch said.

Fortunately for the industry, the federal government began seeing a surge in demand around this time, fueled by federal drug-sentencing laws that had created more inmates and tougher 1996 immigration laws that made more immigrants deportable.

In 2000, the federal Bureau of Prisons entered into an agreement with CCA to house foreign-born convicts in a California City prison, initially built on speculation in the late 1990s to house state prisoners that didn't arrive.

The same year, CCA announced its immigration-detention contract in San Diego.

Since then, new immigration policies that focus on detaining and removing deportable immigrants have become commonplace, leaving federal immigration authorities with insufficient space to house them.

The industry leaders' stock prices have rebounded. Since 2001, CCA shares have split twice and multiplied tenfold, closing recently at $26.17. The GEO Group, which changed its name from Wackenhut Corrections in 2003, has also completed two stock splits and seen its stock value jump from roughly $2.50 a share in early January 2001 to $26.76 recently.

Meanwhile, the industry has broadened its political influence, spending more to lobby agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security and the Bureau of Prisons. CCA alone boosted its federal lobbying expenses from $410,000 to $3 million between 2000 and 2004, according to the Center for Public Integrity.

Immigration-detention contracts can make or break quarterly profits. In its fourth-quarter 2007 financial data, the Cornell Cos., which had flat revenue last year, partly blamed a $2 million loss on the withdrawal of ICE detainees from a troubled facility in Albuquerque, N.M.

CCA, meanwhile, credited part of its success last year to revenue from ICE moving into a Georgia prison on which construction began in 1999 but was suspended a year later for lack of clients.

A NEW BUILDING BOOM

Now, as in the late 1990s, the industry is on a building spree. CCA is building or expanding nine facilities around the country for federal, state or undetermined customers. This does not include the company's planned megaprison in San Diego, which has yet to obtain county approval.

In October, the GEO group announced it would add 1,100 beds to its ICE contract facility in Aurora, Colo. According to its most recent financial report from 2006, the company opened or expanded half a dozen facilities that year.

Unlike a decade ago, analyst Hie said, there is more demand to support the latest building boom. Strong demand also helps companies push terms favorable to them. "Take or pay" arrangements such as the one at San Diego, where ICE must pay for a set occupancy level even if beds go unfilled, are commonplace.

The demand from ICE is staggering: Last year, all of the agency's 3,619 new detention beds were contracted.

Agency officials said there are no plans to build any more federally run detention centers, leaving contractors to fill the void.

During the February conference call, CCA executives told investors that ICE was planning to privatize three of its detention centers in California and Arizona. The agency has three facilities in these states - in El Centro, San Pedro and Florence.

"We estimate the capacity is somewhere at 11,000 beds," said CEO John Ferguson.

Asked about this claim, ICE spokeswoman Pat Reilly in Washington, D.C., replied in an e-mail that the contractor was in error and no such plans were imminent. However, she added, "privatization is always an option."
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Re: Private-Prison Sector is now Big Business
« Reply #42 on: May 11, 2008, 08:04:42 pm »
Hey the more of us they incarcerate the higher their stock goes. Where cant I get in on this and not at the bottom end?  ;D Now they can use the excuse that if they let people go their stock will plummet and all those poor old ladies will lose their 401k. Need not mention that 90% of stocks are owned by the top 10% wealth holders. There are no debtors prisons because we have made them obsolete.

Offline chris jones

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Re: Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex
« Reply #43 on: September 10, 2008, 02:03:11 pm »


Murderers, armed robbers, rapists, extortonists, etc. OK Jail them.

Drug addict, get them help, repeal pot smoking as criminal ofence, and so mny other trivial laws that do nothing but suck up the taxpayers money.

The true criminals hide behind the titles and politcal harangs. Above the law, one might say.

Offline bigron

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Re: Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex
« Reply #44 on: February 19, 2009, 09:55:05 am »
Published on Wednesday, February 18, 2009 by Consortium News

The Price of America's Prison Gulags



by Anthony Gregory

A three-judge panel has tentatively ruled that "[t]he California prison system must reduce overcrowding by as many as 55,000 inmates within three years to provide a constitutional level of medical and mental health care," according to the New York Times [1].

Taxpayers rightly resent the price tag of the prison system, and many might understandably think that prisoners should have no right to expensive care at their further expense. But if the prisons cannot afford to care for its prisoners, we obviously have far too many.

Now is a good time to seriously reassess the whole system altogether.

There were virtually no prisons in this country when it was founded. The modern criminal justice system grew out of the institution of slavery (1 [2], 2 [3], 3 [4]).

Prisons exploded in their growth in the 20th century. The Progressive Era, whose leaders dreamed of recreating society and redeeming mankind through an active and expansionist state, accelerated the development of today's system. It grew steadily.

Before Reagan's presidency, there were half a million Americans in prison or jail and fewer than one and a half million on parole or probation. Now [5]there are more than two million behind bars and seven million total in the correctional system. In California [6], prisons grew by 500 percent from 1982 to 2000.

This is madness. And it's expensive.

Some worry about the strain on social infrastructure if prisoners were mass-released, but they could not possibly cost the state more than they do now. They would also at least have the chance to create wealth as workers and consumers in the market, rather than just being a drain in the public sector.

Each prisoner costs taxpayers $35,000 a year. Victims are not made whole, but forced to foot the bill to house their perpetrators.

The state used to have some restitution centers [7] through which white-collar convicts could work and pay back their victims as well as some of their detention costs - but these were closed down last month. State officials said the program was too expensive.

Only government could lose more money making people work than just locking them up, feeding and clothing them.

Most offenders never get the opportunity to pay restitution, but are simply jammed in obscenely overcrowded cages. California's system is designed to hold about 100,000 but instead holds 171,000.

Judges used to have wide discretion in sentencing, which minimized overcrowding. In 1977, Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown stripped judges of this authority. "Over the next decade, California's legislature, dominated by Democrats, passed more than 1,000 laws increasing mandatory prison sentences," according to the Washington Post [8].

Brutal violence is all too common. Human Rights Watch estimates [9] that nationwide one out of fifteen male inmates is raped. Many prisoners are effectively the slaves of their cellmates.

Gang violence is endemic. The institution has become a totalitarian hell for those inside.

What's worse, most people incarcerated should not be. A quarter of the inmates are locked up for non-violent drug offenses. They committed no act of violence against anyone's person or property, and their imprisonment is part of a destructive drug policy that has boosted crime, trashed civil liberties, uprooted the social order and corrupted the whole legal system.

Many others are in prison for other non-violent offenses against the state - unapproved gun ownership, tax evasion, and so forth. Many petty criminals do not deserve anything like today's prisons, and their incarceration helps no one.

Most prisoners can and should be released. The number of those who actually must be isolated from society would not lead to overcrowding or be an ungainly financial burden.

California's recidivism rate is the highest in America. The system does not work.

Indeed, people go in as small-time thieves and come out far worse. They go in as drug users and come out desensitized to savage violence. They go in as burglars and come out as rapists. Prisons increase crime.

Conservatives talk about the good old days when there was more civility, more freedom, lower taxes and less crime. There were also far fewer prisons. Until the modern system is rethought, we can never restore the liberty and social peace we once had.

© 2009 Consortium News
Anthony Gregory is a research analyst for the Independent Institute [10].


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Article printed from www.CommonDreams.org

URL to article: http://www.commondreams.org/view/2009/02/18-9

Offline bigron

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Re: Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex
« Reply #45 on: March 09, 2009, 10:18:08 am »


Despite a Crashing Economy, Private Prison Firm Turns a Handsome Profit

The GEO Group Inc., a private prison firm paid millions by the government to detain undocumented immigrants, is doing just fine.


By Erin Rosa, CorpWatch
Posted on March 4, 2009, Printed on March 9, 2009
http://www.alternet.org/story/129860/

While the nation's economy flounders, business is booming for The GEO Group Inc., a private prison firm that is paid millions by the U.S. government to detain undocumented immigrants and other federal inmates. In the last year and a half, GEO announced plans to add a total of at least 3,925 new beds to immigration lockups in five locations. The Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency and the U.S. Marshals Service, which hire the company, will fill the beds with inmates awaiting court and deportation proceedings.

GEO reported impressive quarterly earnings of $20 million on February 12, 2009, along with an annual income of $61 million for 2008 -- up from $38 million the year before. But the company's share value is not the only thing that's growing. Behind the financial success and expansion of the for-profit prison firm, there are increasing charges of negligence, civil rights violations, abuse and even death.

Detaining immigrants has become a profitable business, and the niche industry is showing no signs of slowing down. The number of undocumented immigrants the U.S. federal government jails has grown by at least 65 percent in the last six years. In 2002, the average daily population of immigration detainees was 20,838 people, according to ICE records. By 2008, the average daily population had grown to 31,345.

Since 2003, more than a million people have been processed through federal immigration lockups, which are part of a network of at least 300 local, state and federal lockups, including seven contracted detention facilities. GEO operates four of those seven for-profit prisons.

Numerous investigations and reports have documented problems at GEO's immigration detention facilities.

At the company's Northwest Detention Center in Tacoma, Washington, federal prosecutors charged a GEO prison administrator in September 2008 with "knowingly and willfully making materially false, fictitious, and fraudulent statements to senior special agents" with ICE, according to court filings. A February 2008 audit found that over a period of more than two years ending in November 2005, GEO hired nearly 100 guards without performing the required criminal background checks. The GEO employee responsible, Sylvia Wong, pleaded guilty. In the plea agreement the federal government stated that Wong falsified documents "because of the pressure she felt" while working at the GEO lockup to get security personnel hired at the detention center "as quickly as possible."

Two months before the fraud charges, a study by the Seattle University School of Law and the nonprofit group OneAmerica reported that conditions at the Tacoma facility violated both international and domestic laws that grant detained immigrants the right to food, due process and humane treatment.

Federal immigration officials have the authority to incarcerate undocumented immigrants, asylum-seekers, and even lawful permanent residents while they await hearings with immigration judges or appeal decisions. ICE reports the average length of stay is 30 days, but detentions can last years, according to a November 2008 ICE fact sheet.

Pramila Jayapal, executive director with OneAmerica, took part in interviewing a random sample of more than 40 immigrants detained at the Northwest Detention Center, which holds approximately 1,000 immigrants at any given time.

"It's a very giant concrete box. It's just like a jail," said Jayapal. "You're only supposed to meet in the client area, which is only a few rooms."

One inmate from Mexico, Hector Pena-Ortiz, told interviewers that guards had interrogated and handcuffed him twice, demanding that he sign immediate deportation papers despite the fact that he had a pending appeal. Under federal law, immigrants cannot be deported from the United States if their immigration legal cases are still pending. During one of the incidents, guards admitted to having a file on the wrong inmate, Pena-Ortiz said.

In addition to violations of legal rights, inmates cited food as a major concern. The vast majority of the 40 prisoners interviewed at the facility said rations were inadequate and sometimes rotten. Inmates with financial resources depended on food bought from the lockup's commissary. Others went hungry. A man identified in the study as "Ricardo" said he had lost 50 pounds of his original 190-pound weight since arriving at the detention center.

ICE officially denied the claims in the report, but in 2005, annual agency inspections at the Northwest Detention Center documented problems with the quality and quantity of food and found that some meals were so poor, guards had to collect and replace them.

Looking for Opportunities

The Tacoma lockup, site of the most recent GEO controversy, is located on top of a former toxic waste dump that borders coastal wetlands near the Port of Tacoma, Washington. In August 2008, the firm announced plans to expand its 1,030-bed Northwest Detention Center to 1,575 beds, "to help meet the increased demand for detention bed space by federal, state, and local government agencies around the country."

Just four months after GEO's announcement, ICE notified government contractors that the agency was looking for a contractor-owned and -operated detention facility. According to federal procurement data, the new facility should be capable of providing 1,575 beds -- the same number GEO was set to build -- to be completed no later than September 2009 – the same date GEO had set for the completion of its own construction project.

Lorie Dankers, ICE spokeswoman in Washington state, implied that the similarity in numbers and date was a coincidence. "I would never comment, nor have I in the past, on what GEO is doing and why they're doing it. That's a business decision that GEO made," said Dankers. "To insinuate that there was some kind of connection, or that they has some inside information as to the request, that would be incorrect."

Dankers added that ICE's request for more space is still in the "pre-solicitation" phase, meaning that there is no guarantee a contract will be offered, and the agency is simply requesting information from contractors to "guage interest."

"I don't have any information one way or the other as to what would happen," Dankers said. "I think often times, if I had to speculate, they see where there's a need. I think they're always looking for opportunities."

Canceled Contracts

And opportunities, like prisoners, abound. GEO owns more than 62,000 prison beds in the United States, with approximately 3,000 beds used for detained immigrants. The company also claims a global market share of 25 percent of the private corrections industry. Currently, the Northwest Detention Center incarcerates immigrants mainly from Oregon, Washington and Alaska, according to Dankers.

In the last five years, criminal immigration prosecutions have surged by 388 percent according to federal court data obtained by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University in New York. The most recently available court information shows that there were 11,454 prosecutions in September 2008 alone. Adding to GEO's profitability and prospects are immigration laws introduced in the 1990s, the expanding use of immigration detention without bond, and a greater emphasis on prosecutions after 9/11.

The company's relationship with government officials has also proven valuable in winning corrections contracts.

In 2006, while on the state payroll as director of prisons at the Colorado Department of Corrections, Nolin Renfrow helped GEO obtain a $14 million-per-year contract to detain 1,500 inmates in a proposed state prison project in the northern part of the state. Renfrow was moonlighting for GEO –with an expected compensation of $1 million – when a 2007 state audit and news reports uncovered the public servant's business deal.

The audit found that Renfrow's actions could  "arguably present a conflict of interest and result in a breach of ... the public trust," because state law prohibited an "employee from assisting any person for a fee or other compensation in obtaining any contract."

The county district attorney with jurisdiction over Renfrow declined to press criminal charges, but in the wake of the scandal, officials with the state's corrections department rescinded the contract.

Prisons as Money Makers

Immigrant facilities are not the only GEO lockups that have sparked claims of negligence and abuse.

In 2007, the firm settled a lawsuit with the family of an inmate for $200,000. LeTisha Tapia, a 23-year-old woman incarcerated at the GE0-owned Val Verde Correction Facility in southern Texas, told her family in July 2004 that she had been raped and beaten after being locked in the same cell block with male inmates. Shortly after, she had hung herself in her cell. The nonprofit Texas Civil Rights Project sued GEO on behalf of Tapia's family.

"The jail drove this young woman to kill herself," charged the family's attorney, Scott Medlock, in a February 15, 2006 press release from the Texas Civil Rights Project. "GEO cuts corners by hiring poorly trained guards, providing inmates with cut rate medical care, and running their facility in a grossly unprofessional manner." Citing confidentially provisions in the settlement, Medlock refused further comment.

More recently, in 2008, civil liberties attorneys sued the company for failing to provide adequate medical attention to inmates outsourced from Washington, DC, to the Rivers Correctional Institute, located in North Carolina and overseen by GEO through a contract with the federal Bureau of Prisons. That same year, Idaho state authorities removed 125 inmates from a GEO prison after an investigation -- spurred by the suicide of a detainee at the facility -- revealed poor staff training and health care.

"Pretty immediately when people started going to Rivers we started to get letters about how bad the health care was, and just how people were really scared of dying there," said Deborah Golden, an attorney with the DC Prisoners Project, a group that is representing inmates in the legal case against GEO. One inmate named in the report, Keith Mathis, claims he was denied medical treatment for a cavity until the tooth became infected and caused an open ulcer on his face that eventually "burst open," requiring surgery and three days hospitalization.

"The more we looked into the situation the more we realized it was a systemic problem," said Golden. "I suspect that it's a pattern all over. When you try to run prisons as money makers what you do is cut back on the most expensive thing you can, which is medication and medical care."

GEO has said it will not publicly comment on pending legal cases or abuse claims by third parties, including nonprofit groups. Company spokesman Pablo Paez says that on the subject of business plans, "we have no comment beyond what's in our public disclosures."

Despite a wide array grievances and tragedies, GEO has accrued contracts worth more than $588 million in federal tax dollars since 1997, according to available federal procurement data. And as long as federal officials continue to remand a growing number of inmates and immigrants over to private businesses, without imposing strict oversight, GEO will likely remain profitable.



© 2009 CorpWatch All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/129860/

Offline Albert_Pike

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Re: Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex
« Reply #46 on: March 11, 2011, 05:28:41 am »
Do concentration camps exist in places other than the United States?
"I give myself to Lucifer each day for it to arrive as soon as possible. Glory to Satan! I hope that the new world order will arrive as soon as possible!"
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Offline Overcast

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Re: Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex
« Reply #47 on: March 22, 2011, 01:23:57 pm »
Director says Ohio prison sale helps avoid cuts

COLUMBUS - If Ohio officials do not pursue the sale of five state prisons, multiple prisons would likely have to close, inmates would be shipped out of state and thousands of employees would be laid off, the state's prison director said Monday.

Gary Mohr told an Ohio House committee that his Department of Rehabilitation and Correction faces "historic budget challenges" in the coming two-year budget, partly because it no longer can count on the $300 million in federal stimulus money it got in the last budget.

Gov. John Kasich wants to sell five prisons to private operators, overhaul sentencing laws and charge inmates for electricity in an effort to save millions of dollars amid an $8 billion budget shortfall.

Selling the prisons could generate $200 million for the state, Mohr said.

Two of them already are privately run, though the state owns the buildings. Under Ohio law, private operators have to deliver a 5 percent savings over similar public facilities - which the state estimates will mean $9.3 million over the two-year budget cycle.

Mohr said buyers would have to give preference to existing employees when hiring. Six-month early retirement will be offered to about 100 eligible employees, and unions will be able to collectively bargain for how other positions will be filled.

The private operators could be selected as soon as July, allowing them to then take over the five facilities by the end of the year, Mohr said. The companies would not get to choose their inmates.

Mohr acknowledged some of the changes would be tough. "I don't think many of us have slept," he said.

The prison facilities the governor has targeted are: North Coast Correctional Treatment Facility and Grafton Correctional Institution, both in Grafton; North Central Correctional Institution in Marion; Lake Erie Correctional Institution in Conneaut; and a juvenile prison in Marion that closed in 2009.

The agency plans to hold town hall meetings in Marion and Grafton to discuss how the sale could impact the communities. Mohr said the department also set up an e-mail address for staff to ask questions about the budget.

Other cost-cutting measures include allowing certain inmates to reduce their sentences by participating in substance abuse training and other programs.

"We're treating everyone the same and we've got to do a much better job," he said.

Another part of Kasich's plan would allow first-time property crime and drug offenders to serve probation instead of prison sentences and attend treatment as needed.

Mohr told lawmakers the change was key to reducing the number of short-term offenders that go through the prison system.

In 2009, more than 11,900 - or 46 percent - of those who entered the system served sentences of one year or less. Often, he said, those offenders are bunked with criminals who committed more serious offenses.

"It is difficult for the department to provide any meaningful programming for offenders serving such short prison stays, and they are often released back to the community with no supervision," he said. "While freeing up expensive prison beds, such an approach will also ensure that these offenders are supervised for longer periods of time."
And dying in your beds, many years from now, would you be willin' to trade ALL the days, from this day to that, for one chance, just one chance, to come back here and tell our enemies that they may take our lives, but they'll never take... OUR FREEDOM!

Offline Geolibertarian

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Re: Rise of the Prison Industrial Complex
« Reply #48 on: March 22, 2011, 01:33:32 pm »
Do concentration camps exist in places other than the United States?

Of course they do -- North Korea being an obvious case in point.

But that doesn't change the fact that the U.S. is the world's leading incarcerator.

In any case, if a critical mass of people don't rise up and resist their own enslavement to a handful of parasitic robber barons, then, in the not too distant future, the more relevant question will be: "Is the entire planet a concentration camp?"
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