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Author Topic: WHAT THE EU TREATY OF LISBON DOES(legally accurate).  (Read 160030 times)
Sub-X
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« Reply #880 on: June 19, 2009, 07:14:40 PM »

If anybody is worthy enoughfor the fight,its got to be Joe Higgins(or as some in the present government like to call him Commie Joe).

The irony of this particular situation,is that we are getting "guarantees and assurances"on issues that were not issues 12 months ago.Even Brian Cowen yesterday telling people "there would be no Yes vote without these "legally binding guarantees and assurances",doublespeak,this is a major personality transplant.Only last year the people that voiced their concerns on the issues of retaining a permanent commissioner in Brussels,Taxation,Abortion and Military Neutrality were brand anti everything you could think of,spreading falsehoods and low and behold we need "guarantees and assurances" for these phantom issues.

As far Military Neutrality,I would imagine this is the one issue they spent very little time discussing,because the Irish government have abandoned this as soon as they allowed CIA rendition flights through Shannon Airport as well as stop over for troops heading to Iraq and Afghanistan,or more recently Irish troops being sent to Afghanistan.


Just a little side issue from last year was the so called "attack" by WeAreChange Ireland on Proinsias De Rossa MEP in Dublin(this gobshite was reelected to Europe last month) Mr. De Rossa Attacked? The Facts Footage (video)

Needed a little pick me up  Wink     
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“If you strike at,imprison,or kill us,out of our prisons or graves we will still evoke a spirit that will thwart you,and perhaps,raise a force that will destroy you! We defy you! Do your worst!”-James Connolly 1909


DARK HALF-END GAME
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« Reply #881 on: June 19, 2009, 08:52:52 PM »

Stand strong!
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"He who passively accepts evil is as much involved in it as he who helps to perpetrate it. He who accepts evil without protesting against it is really cooperating with it." Martin Luther King, Jr.
luckee1
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« Reply #882 on: June 19, 2009, 10:38:15 PM »

That guy was pathetic in the video, huh? 

OOOHHHHH you assaulted me?  Huh

Just pathetic, and yes that was amusing.
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Protocol22
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« Reply #883 on: June 27, 2009, 08:12:09 PM »

We The People   - Truth Conference - Galway, Ireland, 20th June 2009


Infowars Ireland and Wethepeople.ie held a conference in Galway on Saturday 20th June.

The Lisbon Treaty was top of the agenda.

Dave Derby from wethepeople.ie gave a fantastic presentation, Video on main page at http://www.info-wars.org
(Featured Video). The Video runs for just over 1 hour, well worth watching -- It even pulls a few heart strings at the end
when Dave shows a slide which features a unit of Irish Freedom Fighters from the Irish War of Independence and points out
his grandfather in the photograph -- explaining that these men fought and died for Irish freedom and sacrificed everything
they had for future generations in Ireland -- Brilliant Video.
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luckee1
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« Reply #884 on: June 27, 2009, 08:16:49 PM »

I am terribly sorry for not checking up on this.  We kinda got our pooches screwed, what with the HR2424 debacle.

Sub-X, where did you go friend?
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Protocol22
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« Reply #885 on: June 29, 2009, 12:44:34 AM »

Video taken at a "We The People" event in Galway on 20th June 2009.
It features slides of Irish Freedom fighters who fought in the Irish War of Independence - They Fought so that future generations of Irish people would have Freedom - Now the Lisbon Treaty No. 2 Referendum is being imposed upon the people of Ireland - The Freedom of not only the Irish, but All the peoples of Europe, is at stake. Please Ireland, VOTE NO to European Tyranny...



http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C5peT6I_D9k
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luckee1
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« Reply #886 on: June 30, 2009, 10:23:50 AM »

Protocol22  will you keep on this thread too?  I haven't seen Sub-X in a while, (I hope he is OK)  but we must keep this current. 
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luckee1
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« Reply #887 on: June 30, 2009, 10:28:36 AM »

China is reporting.  Huh  About Germany's

 Barroso welcomes German court's ruling on Lisbon Treaty
www.chinaview.cn 2009-06-30 21:19:48

http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2009-06/30/content_11628852.htm

BRUSSELS, June 30 (Xinhua) -- European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso on Tuesday welcomed the German Constitutional Court's ruling that the Lisbon Treaty is in conformity with the German constitution.

    "I am confident that with this judgment, the court has cleared the way for a swift conclusion of the German ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon," said Barroso in a statement.

    Germany's Karlsruhe-based Constitutional Court on Tuesday ruled that the treaty is compatible with German law but demanded changes to domestic legislation to protect national parliamentary powers, delaying the treaty's ratification.

    Barroso expressed confidence that the ratification process of the treaty can be completed in all 27 member states of the European Union (EU) by autumn. The Lisbon Treaty is essential for the EU's capacity to act in the present times, he said.

    The treaty has been approved in all member states but Ireland. Irish voters rejected the treaty in June 2008 and a second referendum is planned for October 2009. Of the remaining 26 EU member states, only the Czech Republic, Germany and Poland have not completed their ratification process.

    Germany and Poland are yet to deposit their ratification documents while the presidential consent to the approval of the treaty in the Czech Republic has not been granted. Czech President Vaclav Klaus, an ultra euro skeptic, has said he would not sign the document until the success of the Irish referendum.

    The Lisbon Treaty, signed in December 2007 by all EU heads of state or government, will pave the way for the EU's institutional reforms and streamline its decision-making procedures.
Editor: Wang Guanqun
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luckee1
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« Reply #888 on: June 30, 2009, 10:35:18 AM »

Clarified Lisbon Treaty the very same
Thursday, June 25, 2009

http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2009/0625/1224249509149.html



OPINION: Nothing of substance happened at last week’s Council of Ministers discussions in Brussels on the Lisbon Treaty, writes AENGUS Ó SNODAIGH

YES, WE have an “international agreement” on neutrality, taxation and ethical issues to be lodged at the United Nations. Yes, we have the “promise” of a protocol on these same issues to be attached to a future accession treaty, for a country and on a date yet to be decided. And yes, we have a “solemn declaration” on workers’ rights.

But have we any changes to the text of the Lisbon Treaty itself? Will any aspect of the treaty’s implementation in Ireland or across the EU be altered? Have the substantial concerns of the electorate on issues such as Ireland’s loss of influence, militarisation and neutrality, workers’ rights and public services, international trade deals, nuclear power and the developing world been addressed?

The straight answer to all of these questions is “No”.

Brush aside all the meaningless rhetoric about legally binding guarantees – the decision of the heads of state, agreed last Friday, is nothing more than a series of clarifications of some aspects of the Lisbon Treaty.

It does not alter the text of the treaty in any way. Nor does it change the impact that the treaty will have on Ireland.

So when we come to vote on the Lisbon Treaty in October we will be voting on exactly the same treaty, with exactly the same consequences for Ireland and the EU, as we did on June 12th, 2008.

But surely this cannot be. Has the Government not secured legally binding guarantees that will be enshrined in international and eventually EU law? Will these guarantees not safeguard Irish neutrality and tax sovereignty? Does the solemn declaration not signal the EU’s intent on protecting workers’ rights?

Again, the answer to these questions is No. Like the emperor parading naked in public, the Lisbon Treaty has no new clothes, yet the courtiers and ministers marvel aloud at its non-existent new apparel.

Let’s take each in turn.

On neutrality, the decision of heads of state agreed last Friday in Brussels says: “The Lisbon Treaty does not affect or prejudice Ireland’s traditional policy of military neutrality.” This tells us Irish troops can only be sent abroad with consent of the Irish Government in the Council of Ministers and the Oireachtas.

Sinn Féin never disputed this fact. The Lisbon Treaty is very clear in this regard. But neutrality is not only what you do with your troops; it is also about alliances you form, what you do with your resources, and what other member states do in your name.

The Lisbon Treaty makes clear its intent when it states that there shall be a common defence.

In expanding the scope of permissible military missions, it demonstrates its desire to move beyond peacekeeping and civil reconstruction. In reasserting the compatibility of EU foreign and defence policies with those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (Nato), it reminds that the emerging EU common defence is clearly aligned. Provisions for permanent structured co-operation create the real possibility that wars we do not support will be fought in our name and with our resources. The mutual defence clause creates obligations incompatible with any internationally recognised definition of neutrality.

Anyone in any doubt about the implications of the Lisbon Treaty for Irish neutrality should read the exchange of views in the opinion section of The Irish Times sparked by writings of Dublin City University academic Karen Devine, from November 25th to December 24th, 2008.

On taxation, again, the council decision tells us nothing new. Under the Lisbon Treaty, any move to a common corporation tax system across the EU would require a unanimous vote at the Council of Ministers. Anyone who read the treaty could tell you this.

Sinn Féin’s concern on taxation rests with Article 48 of the treaty. This article allows the Council of Ministers, by unanimous decision, to alter the text of existing EU treaties. Today, if the EU wanted to agree a common corporation tax system, they would have to do so as part of broader treaty revision. This would require both unanimity at council and ratification in each member state, and a referendum in the Republic.

However, Article 48 allows the Council of Ministers to make changes to the treaties with unanimity, but without recourse to what some see as a cumbersome – read democratic – process of negotiation and ratification. So Lisbon does not affect our tax sovereignty, but it makes it easier for the Council of Ministers to make the change in future, and without the inconvenience of a referendum.

Fine Gael and Labour are on record as backing some form of corporate tax harmonisation. Fianna Fáil, despite assurances, cannot be trusted on this or indeed any matter of importance.

Finally, with respect to workers’ rights and public services, the very fact that this issue is being treated differently, in the form of a non-legally binding declaration, demonstrates that despite fine and solemn words, there is neither the political will nor the intention to alter the current direction of EU policy and European Court of Justice decisions in this regard.

To put it another way, the Solemn Declaration on Workers’ Rights is more like an election promise by a Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael politician the week before polling day, laced with false sincerity and destined to be forgotten the moment the ballot boxes were closed.

There are also a large number of issues which the EU leaders studiously chose to ignore last Friday. No mention of the reduced influence of smaller member states as a consequence of the new voting arrangements at council. No mention of the 60 or so member state vetoes that will end. No mention of the controversial changes to international trade talks opposed by farmers and trade justice groups alike. No mention of the opening up of vital public services such as health and education to the vagaries of the market.

But we secured a permanent Irish commissioner, the Government will insist. Again, not true. The agreement here by the Council of Ministers is more like a stay of execution, promising a commissioner for an unspecified time. Unless this issue is written into an EU treaty, the likely outcome is that the reduction in size of the commission envisioned in Lisbon will be delayed by five years until the next European parliamentary elections in 2014.

When the electorate rejected the Lisbon Treaty by 53 per cent in 2008, they gave Brian Cowen and his Government a strong mandate to secure a better deal for Ireland and the EU. But just like his mismanagement of the economy, Cowen dithered and did nothing, leaving us with another fine mess to get out of.

When the emperor’s tailors promised a new suit of clothes, they assured him that they would only be seen by the great and the gifted. While the emperor and his admirers colluded in the fraud, the plain people of his empire had the wit to see the sham for what it was. Sound familiar?
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luckee1
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« Reply #889 on: June 30, 2009, 10:53:15 AM »

Whoa!  Does this ring familiar?  (Hint the Stimulous package? Threats of Martial Law if the Package is not passed)

Lisbon Treaty referendum
Friday, June 26, 2009

http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/letters/2009/0626/1224249575265.html

Madam, – I expect to hear a lot in the coming months about the consequences of Ireland not ratifying the Lisbon Treaty.

It’s easy for the Yes side to talk about the negative consequences of a No vote, and they always seem shocked when they get accused of bullying and threatening behaviour. This is an unfortunate truth, and one which did play a part in the first Lisbon campaign. Even this week, reports covered comments by German Socialist MEP Jo Leinen about the consequences of a No vote and Ireland being moved to a second-class status in the EU. This simply isn’t possible, and it is important that the Yes side seeks to reassure voters of what is possible and what isn’t possible. This is not to say that it should be seen as giving oxygen to the No campaign, far from it – a successful treaty result will be tied to a need for renewed trust in what our politicians tell us.

Comments about the consequences of a No vote need to be seen as unhelpful. It’s all too easy to play to those comments and give them coverage and airtime. These kind of comments also run the chance of giving credence to the possibility that the people may in fact vote No. This is a big mistake. The Yes side need to work from an assumption that the people will vote Yes. This doesn’t mean resting on laurels, but it does mean giving little or no credibility to the chances of losing the second time around.

A successful Yes campaign must be on the merits of what is good about the Lisbon Treaty and what’s good about Europe. Any successful campaign must be based on talking about how Lisbon will fix Europe and, by focusing on areas that are in effect broken, to make it work better.

Classing Yes voters as pro-European and No voters as anti-European didn’t work last time. I doubt whether it will work this time. The Yes campaign can own the argument (unlike last time) by focusing on what’s good; focusing on voting No means being against the positive reform as brought about by the Lisbon Treaty.

Those who voted Yes last time are likely to do so again, thus the focus must be on how to turn the Nos into Yeses. This can be done by focusing on the primary arguments of the No campaign which Ireland has secured guarantees on, and making them arguments in favour of a Yes vote. This may be difficult for those who campaigned for a Yes vote last time to stomach, but they did not win the argument last time — it’s imperative that they do so this time.

But we’re already seeing the same faces with the same language and rhetoric, with the same arguments. This isn’t going to help the Yes campaign. Lisbon 2 must be a fresh campaign, with fresh faces, fresh energy and fresh passion for convincing the No voters to cross the floor – that means telling them their vote did something positive as brought about by Lisbon 2 and urging them to agree by voting Yes.

In particular, I believe the right to retain a commissioner is a massive change, and one which should be overwhelmingly applauded. During the first campaign, many on the Yes side said it wouldn’t be possible, but some of those people have secured that for Ireland.

Focus needs to be put on that leadership, and the ability to secure a better deal, which has been done. Not only has a victory been won for Ireland, but concessions have been given to each member-state with regards keeping a commissioner – this is a victory for everyone across Europe.

People who voted No should be proud of securing not just a better deal for Ireland, but for all Europeans. I believe this is an important aspect to a successful second Lisbon campaign for the Yes camp.

I voted No to Lisbon last year to keep Ireland’s commissioner and am proud of that vote. I’ll be proudly voting Yes in October for precisely the same reason. – Yours, etc,

DAVID COCHRANE,

Editor, Politics.ie

(Former Libertas Lisbon

Campaign Director),

Celbridge, Co Kildare.

Madam, – Having secured legal guarantees that sensitive issues such as tax and neutrality will not be affected by the Lisbon Treaty, it’s time to move on with the debate. The focus now needs to shift from what is not in the treaty to what is in the treaty.

One of the central aims of the treaty is to make the EU more democratic. Having worked in the European Parliament, I naturally welcome measures to increase the powers of the Parliament in areas such as energy, security, justice and home affairs.

However, one of the most interesting and innovative elements being proposed in this treaty is the citizens’ initiative. This would require the European Commission to respond to a proposed change in European law signed by at least one million EU citizens. For the first time in history, ordinary European citizens will be able to directly influence the political agenda of the EU.

Another welcome development in the Lisbon Treaty is in the area of climate change. As we are increasingly aware, environmental issues have no borders. Under the treaty, climate change will become explicitly a matter of EU responsibility. Preparations are currently underway for the United Nations Copenhagen Summit on Climate Change to be held in December to agree a successor to the Kyoto Protocol. Ireland is participating actively in the development of the EU’s position on the complex range of issues which need to be addressed.

There is no doubt that Ireland will be better placed to tackle climate change with the full force of the EU behind it.

There are a wealth of other proposals in this treaty that will enrich the European Union and Ireland’s membership of it. I look forward to positive engagement in the Lisbon debate from all sides between now and October. – Yours, etc,

EOIN RYAN,

Molesworth Street,

Dublin 2.

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Protocol22
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« Reply #890 on: July 01, 2009, 06:14:55 AM »




Quote
We do not seek to make this country a materially great country at the expense of its honour in any way whatsoever. We would rather have this country poor and indigent, we would rather have the people of Ireland eking out a poor existence on the soil; as long as they possessed their souls, their minds, and their honour. This fight has been for something more than the fleshpots of Empire.
Liam Mellows (25 May 1895 8 December 1922)



Liam Mellows was born and educated in County Galway where he joined Na Fianna, the republican boys movement, founded by Constance Markievicz.
In 1915 he was arrested under the Defence of the Realm Act and interned for four months in Mountjoy Gaol, Dublin. On his release Mellows went 'on the run' but was arrested in Galway in early 1916, deported to England and interned in Reading Gaol from where he escaped. He returned to Ireland to command the Western Division of the IRA during the 1916 Easter Rising. Mellows escaped to America where he was imprisoned without trial in The Tombs, New York on a charge of partaking in an Irish-German plot to sabotage the allied forces during World War I. He was released in 1918 and went on a lecture tour of America, collecting money for the IRA before returning to Ireland in 1919. Mellows became IRA Director of Supplies during the War of Independence. He opposed the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty and on June 25th, 1922 he and fellow republicans, Rory O'Connor, Joseph McKelvey and Dick Barrett, among others took over the Dublin Four Courts. They were bombarded from a gunboat on the River Liffey which the Free State had borrowed from the British Army and, after two days, they surrendered. They were imprisoned in Mountjoy Gaol where Mellows and O'Connor contributed to a hand-written notebook of short stories, poems and articles dated October 26th, 1922 and entitled 'The Book of Cells'.
On December 8th, 1922 Mellows, O'Connor, McKelvey and Barrett were executed by Free State firing squad, allegedly as a reprisal for the shooting of Sean Hales. Mellows' article from 'The Book of Cells' entitled 'The People's Republic' is published here for the first time.


http://www.searcs-web.com/mellows.html
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Protocol22
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« Reply #891 on: July 03, 2009, 11:04:37 PM »




Olivia Buckley and “We Belong”… reminiscent of “Common Purpose”…

July 4, 2009 by Infowars Ireland



Olivia Buckley



The Phoenix
Vol. 27, No. 13

THE mantra that Lisbon Mark II is too important to leave to the politicians lies behind the creation of organisations like We Belong, a group of self-styled celebrities and personalities from the world of business and sport who favour a Yes vote. But, as with Ireland for Europe — headed by Pat Cox, Brendan Halligan, Brigid Laffan and ex-Fianna Fail general secretary Martin Mackin — it’s the same old political hacks and Eurocrats that are really calling the shots. Step forward Olivia Buckley, director of We Belong, who is the driving force behind the campaign to mobilise exciting and influential personalities in the world of business and sport behind a Yes vote.

Olivia has an impressive cv that includes executive positions with the Kerry Group, Irish Farmers’ Association and Midlands Radio and her latest position was that of accounts director with Murray Consultants. There, she worked with various corporate clients, including John Magnier’s Coolmore stud and Richard Barrett and Johnny Ronan of Treasury Holdings. Oh, and she also worked as director of communications with Fianna Fail for five years until 2007 under Bertie Ahern.

However, Olivia is closer still to the current Taoiseach, Brian Cowen, as she is an Offaly girl whose family are FF, seed, breed and generation and whose uncle, Cllr Eamon Dooley, topped the poll for the party in the county council elections in Ferbane recently. And another FF Country’n’ Western girl, Sinead Dooley, is Cowen’s full time constituency secretary in Laois-Offaly where she heads up the office in Tullamore. Sinead and Olivia are first cousins and soul sisters politically.

Olivia joined Murrays after the last general election — a year before her fellow county man Cowen became leader — but no-one was more delighted than her new employers when their accounts director’s close comrade Brian was elevated to the top job. However, Buckley left Murrays a month ago to set up the ‘non-political’ group and one of her first gigs was to organise a bash in the Shelbourne Hotel where various fat-cats — sorry, personalities — with a European vision, were wined dined and bled for money to support a business friendly Europe that will be facilitated by a Yes vote.

There is a plethora of different groups targeting different sectors of the electorate that have been set up by the Yes side and We Belong is focusing on the 25 to 39-year-old new media freaks who spend their days twittering, e-mailing and surfing the web.

Then there is Generation Yes whose is target group are students and those aged under 25. Ireland for Europe is the main body and the profile of its jaded political hacks is being camouflaged by personalities as diverse as Seamus Heaney and footballer, Robbie Keane.

Another group formed by Olive Braiden (the ex-Arts Council chairwoman who ran for Fianna Fail in the 1994 European elections) is Women for Europe and it remains to be seen if a trade union group forms around Irish Congress of Trade Unions general secretary David Begg and former SIPTU president Billy Attley, both of whom have signed up for the Yes vote. However, there is divided opinion about the Lisbon Treaty in the trade union movement and the absence so far of SIPTU’s present day boss, Jack O’Connor, is significant.

The reason for the wide spread of such groups is the realisation that certain sections of the population need to be targeted and that many of these — women, young people and trade unionists, for example — all had their reservations about Lisbon I. The other reason is the alienating effect the main political parties and leaders had on the electorate in the last referendum.

All the groups are mobilising as many ‘personalities’ as possible in order to mask the fact that they are headed largely by political hacks from the main parties and funded by IBEC and its members as well as corporate multinationals operating in Ireland. Microsoft and Google were both represented in the We Belong bash at the Shelbourne along with other executives from Irish business circles.

The reality is that the fear of even worse recessionary times being visited on the electorate should we vote No again is what will swing the vote for the Yes side. But the presentation of visionaries and ‘cool’ personalities from the arts, sport and business is designed to give the impression that it’s not the political establishment and fat cats who are driving the Yes side.


Source: http://info-wars.org/?p=3411

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« Reply #892 on: July 04, 2009, 07:39:51 PM »

Lisbon Treaty Guide

http://www.generationyes.ie/lisbon-treaty-guide/

When the EU brought in 12 new member-states, all countries agreed that change was needed. The Lisbon Treaty is an attempt to do this, and to make the EU fit for purpose for today’s challenges.

Don’t be put off by people who say the Treaty is difficult to understand, our guide helps explain what your vote means.

Here’s a list of the main changes the Treaty introduces with the Treaty references to back them up.

EU in the World - Voting ‘yes’ means Irish Neutrality is legally-protected, and allows member-states to cooperate better in peacekeeping missions and foreign-policy issues.

    * The 27 EU countries will be better able to work together on peacekeeping missions, on a case-by-case basis. Each country is free to opt in or out in all these missions. (Article 42(4) TEU; Article 31(1) TEU)
    * Countries will be legally required to respect the UN Charter (Article 3(5) TEU ; Article 21(1) TEU ; Article 21(2)(c) TEU ; Article 42(1) TEU ; Article 42(7) TEU ; Protocol on permanent structured cooperation)
    * EU countries will only be able to use defence policy for peacekeeping, conflict-prevention and strengthening International Security, in accordance with the UN Charter. (Article 43(2) TEU)
    * There is no EU army, and no conscription. In the few countries where conscription happens in national armies, this is being phased out.
    * There will be a new position: the High Representative for Foreign Affairs. This person will speak for the member-states, but only when they all agree a common position. Any issue that the High Rep will speak on must be agreed unanimously by all the members of the Council – this means Ireland has a veto on any topic that is discussed. (Article 24(1) TEU ; Article 31(1) TEU)
    * If Ireland suffers a natural disaster or a terrorist attack, the other EU countries are obliged to provide assistance where needed, this might include humainitarian aid. Likewise, Ireland will assist another EU state which is attacked, but only in accordance with our policy of neutrality. (Article 222 TFEU)

Voting ‘yes’ means:

Crime and Justice - Modern Crime doesn’t recognise borders, this is about dealing with this challenge.
We can fight cross-border crime like

    * Sex-slavery. In the last two years, over 100 women and girls have been trafficked into Ireland in to be exploited in the sex industry [link]. This is a modern, global form of slavery, that is happening in our own country every day. We can only fight this cross-border problem by working more closely with other European countries The Lisbon Treaty would allow the EU to directly attack this horrific situation, where many women are held against their will and forced into sexual acts. (Article 83 TFEU)
    * Human trafficking: Thousands of people try to get into the EU each year, many of them drown or suffocate in the process, because people-smugglers transport them using lethal means. Voting ‘yes’ means that member-states can cooperate better on this cross-border issue, and make sure things like this never happen again. (Article 83.1 TFEU)
    * Drug-smuggling and money-laundering: the Treaty contains concrete  provisions which mean we can fight these crimes more effectively. The alternative is standing by and doing nothing to increase pressure on these criminals.

Ireland also has an opt-out in the area of cooperation on crime which means we can choose which laws we adopt, and which we don’t. (Protocol on the position of Ireland and the United Kingdom in respect of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice)

Voting ‘yes’ means:

Keep Ireland Strong - Our elected Government representatives get more input in EU decisions.

    * Our elected government representatives (European Council) will meet more regularly to make sure the EU works to your needs. (Article 15 TEU) The European Council is the main player in deciding EU law. These meetings take place in public and are fully open to scrutiny. This means all EU regulation is made by your elected representatives.
    * Lisbon keeps the power in your government representatives’ hands. To keep this system effective, the heads of government will choose a President to find agreement between all the countries, but this person’s job will be to be an independent umpire, who seeks consensus, but does not give direction. In fact, this person will have no voting power – your elected representatives make the decisions. (Article 15(5) TEU)
    * Keeping Ireland strong: All draft EU laws will be sent to the Oireachtas to discuss publicly and decide which ones it believes are needed. Dublin votes before Brussels. (Article 12 TEU; Protocol on the role of national parliaments in the European Union)
    * The Lisbon Treaty sets out exactly where the EU can and can not act. Currently this line in the sand does not exist which means there is uncertainty about where EU power extends. Lisbon sets that line. (Title I, TFEU)

Voting ‘yes’ means:

Democratic Reform - Voting ‘yes’ means you get a more democratic, accountable and transparent EU

    * Your elected representatives in the European Parliament play a bigger role in decision-making: 40 new areas need their approval (Articles 75, 77, 78 , 79 , 81, 82 , 83, 84, 85, 87, 88 TFEU)
    * Direct Democracy: Voting Yes means that the EU will have to  respond to a petition signed by citizens across Europe. Issues you care about will be considered. (Article 11 TEU)
    * All Council meetings will be in public and all laws discussed (Article 15 TEU)
    * National Parliaments will have a greater role in oversight of EU decisions, with a formal process for reviewing all proposals. For instance, all EU regulation will be checked by the Oireachtas. (Article 12 TEU)
    * Every EU law will need to comply with the Charter of Fundamental Rights. The charter is a statement of values and principles that are already common to member states. It will only apply EU law. (Article 51, Charter on Fundamental Rights)

Voting ‘yes’ means:

Dealing with the Financial Crisis - Ireland can’t fight global economic forces on its own.  In a global financial storm, the EU is Ireland’s safe harbour.

    * Member States will be encouraged to co-ordinate their responses to the financial crisis, including for instance stimulus packages. (Article 2 TFEU)
    * Full employment and social progress will be a Union objective (Article 3(3) TEU)
    * Member States will share best practise in industry. (Article 156 TFEU)
    * Better regulation of money markets through requirements for Member States to cooperate in economic policies (Article 2 TEU) and through more control by national parliaments (Article 12 TEU)

Voting ‘yes’ means:

Making Ireland more competitive - The roadmap to economic recovery.

    * The new deal will protect Ireland’s absolute right to set our own tax rates. (Article 115 TFEU)
    * The EU will promote research and development in Europe, this means the opportunity to create high-tech jobs for Ireland (Article 179 TFEU; Article 189 TFEU)
    * The EU will have to prioritise funding for development in rural areas. This means more roads and broadband access in new areas. (Article 174 TFEU)
    * More money being invested in renewable energy – giving Ireland the chance to create thousands of jobs in green industry (Article 194(1)(c) TFEU) Right now, we aren’t maximising the opportunities in this area.
    * Public services (like healthcare, education and transport) are protected from privatisation. Member States decide which services are best run by governments. (Protocol on services of general interest)
    * The EU will help and support Irish tourism (Article 195 TFEU)

Voting ‘yes’ means:

The Environment and Climate Change - Voting ‘yes’ commits the EU to fighting Climate Change. We can’t solve global warming on our own. The EU has a target of reducing greenhouse gases by 20% by 2020. Lisbon provides a framework for us to do this.

    * Makes fighting Climate Change a Union objective (Article 3(3) TEU ; Article 21(2)(d) and (f) TEU ; Article 191(1) TFEU)
    * More money being invested in renewable energy – giving Ireland the chance to create thousands of jobs in green industry (Article 194(1)(c) TFEU)
    * It commits the EU to improve the environment, not just protect it (Article 3(3) TEU)

Voting ‘yes’ means:

The Alternative:
Some people think Ireland will have to leave the EU, others think there isn’t a legal way to do this. No one knows for certain what will happen if we vote ‘no’.
Because so many other EU countries want to introduce these important changes, there is a good chance that Ireland will have to allow the other countries to move ahead and adopt the changes without us.

Legally, this is unknown territory. We think there is good reason to be worried that a second ‘no’ vote will seriously undermine Ireland’s place in the EU. It will also add to the International uncertainty about Ireland’s stability as a country. The stakes are higher this time around.

We know how voting ‘yes’ will help the country and our economy. No one has shown us how voting ‘no’ helps create jobs, or a better future for Ireland.


Do you have a question on the Treaty we haven’t answered here? Tell us and we’ll find the answer for you.
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Protocol22
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« Reply #893 on: July 05, 2009, 07:45:48 AM »

Baroness Kinnock of Holyhead confrims Irish Lisbon guarantees are meaningless



Glenys Kinnock aka "Baroness Kinnock of Holyhead"




http://info-wars.org/?p=3454





In a debate in the Lords yesterday, Europe Minister Glenys Kinnock confirmed that Ireland will be voting on exactly the same text of the Lisbon Treaty a second time around. She said: “Those guarantees do not change the Lisbon treaty; the European Council conclusions are very clear on them. The Lisbon treaty, as debated and decided by our Parliament, will not be changed and, on the basis of these guarantees, Ireland will proceed to have a second referendum in October.” She added: “Nothing in the treaty will change and nothing in the guarantees will change the treaty as your Lordships agreed it.

When asked about the legal status of the ‘guarantees’, she confirmed that they will not be legally-binding until they are written into the EU treaties as a protocol, which will happen after the Irish referendum. She said: “My Lords, what we have in the guarantees will become binding in international law when the guarantees are translated into a protocol at the time of the next accession, which presumably will be when Croatia or Iceland comes in. Before that protocol can be ratified by the UK, Parliament must pass a Bill. As I said, Parliament will rightly have the final say.”

During questions at the House of Commons European Scrutiny Committee this morning, Foreign Secretary David Miliband reiterated that “Every head of state agrees that these guarantees do not change the Treaty.

However, he appeared to contradict the Europe Minister by stressing that “the guarantees are legally-binding in international law… It does not require ratification in order to have legal affect.” This lead the Chairman of the Committee to ask, “If this is a legally-binding decision and doesn’t need ratification, why does it need to be put in a protocol?” He asked, “Is it a stitch-up to get around Irish peoples’ concerns? I can see why people would be suspicious.

Lords Hansard text for 1 Jul 200901 July 2009 (pt 0001):
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld200809/ldhansrd/text/90701-0001.htm#09070164000464



Related link: http://www.politics.ie/lisbon-treaty/82228-glenys-kinnock-irish-guarantees-do-not-change-treaty-not-legally-binding.html
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luckee1
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« Reply #894 on: July 05, 2009, 11:20:33 AM »

Wow!  Drink the Koolaid it'll be alright.  hmmm?

It sounds like if I am reading this right; that the EU will go ahead with the treaty and possibly include Ireland as it suits the power that be.

Sub-X  it is very good to see you back here!!!
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Godfather77
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« Reply #895 on: July 05, 2009, 11:55:18 AM »

German court delays Lisbon Treaty
30 Jun 2009
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/5700020/German-court-delays-Lisbon-Treaty.html

In a ruling that could delay the ratification of the treaty for months, judges said it was broadly compatible with German law but they refused to grant it approval for immediate ratification.

They said a new law was required to guarantee the rights of the German parliament in the European Union's decision-making process because MPs had "not been accorded sufficient rights of participation in European lawmaking procedures and treaty amendment procedures".

The ruling presented Sweden, which takes over the rotating EU presidency on Wednesday, with a fresh challenge. Its government must already oversee a second referendum on the treaty expected in Ireland in the autumn, while the presidents of the Czech Republic and Poland have yet to sign off on ratification.

The latest ruling means the ratification process in Germany is on hold and may buy more time for opponents of the treaty, potentially undermining efforts to have it introduced by Jan 1 next year.

The presiding judge in the federal constitutional court, Andreas Vosskuhle, said: "The basic law (German law) says Yes to the Treaty but demands at national level a strengthening of the parliament's involvement."

The judgment echoes a fierce debate in Britain between those who describe proposed EU constitutional change as a "tidying up exercise" and the treaty's opponents who see the text as part of a federalist agenda that threatens national sovereignty.

The case was brought by 50 German MPs who argued that approval of the treaty would erode democracy and breach German law.

The German parliament is expected to vote on the legislation demanded by the court, including a guarantee that its parliament will have to vote on any changes to the treaty or any expansion of EU competences, before the country's general election on Sept 27.

"If one wanted to summarise this result, one could say: the constitutional court says 'yes' to the treaty but demands that parliament's right to participation be strengthened at the national level," said a spokesman for the court.

Lorraine Mullally, Director of Open Europe, a UK-based think tank, said: "Nobody realistically expected the court to rule against Lisbon, but it is hugely significant that judges have delayed ratification until the German Parliament is given greater powers to influence EU law-making.

"The judges have ruled that the transfer of powers to the EU level leaves a gap between citizens and the EU. It is interesting that changes are deemed necessary - but of course it's still a green light for the Treaty."

An Open Europe poll found that 77 per cent of Germans want a referendum on the treaty.

Currently, 23 of the 27 member states have ratified the treaty, which would give the EU a full-time president and foreign minister and create a diplomatic service.

Although the European Commission president, Jose Manuel Barroso, said he was "confident" the ruling would "clear the way for a swift conclusion" for German ratification of the treaty, it could delay the process in Germany for months.

Nigel Farage, leader of the UK Independence Party, said: "This court ruling gives the green light to the political class in Germany to continue with the treaty. I am not in the least bit surprised as the whole thing has always been about how the Irish will vote. The judgment will not be greeted with joy in Germany. Just as in every other country, bar one, its people have not been given the chance to express an opinion on the treaty."

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Freeski
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« Reply #896 on: July 05, 2009, 07:18:45 PM »

Just like in Quebec, they'll keep trying and trying until they get a favourable vote.
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"He who passively accepts evil is as much involved in it as he who helps to perpetrate it. He who accepts evil without protesting against it is really cooperating with it." Martin Luther King, Jr.
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« Reply #897 on: July 05, 2009, 08:49:20 PM »

Wow!  Drink the Koolaid it'll be alright.  hmmm?

It sounds like if I am reading this right; that the EU will go ahead with the treaty and possibly include Ireland as it suits the power that be.

Sub-X  it is very good to see you back here!!!

+100   Grin
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Protocol22
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« Reply #898 on: July 06, 2009, 12:40:48 PM »



http://www.sovereignindependent.com/


Welcome to the web site of the Sovereign Independent





The Lisbon Threat


During the run-up to the 2nd Lisbon referendum on October 2nd 2009 the Irish People will experience overwhelming propaganda by the pro-Lisbon camp to influence a YES vote. They will use any means possible using organizations with trustees from some of the most powerful and influential national and governmental institutions in Ireland .
High profile and highly influential pop stars and celebrities also appear on the lists of trustees of some of these pro-Lisbon organizations. It follows that there will be a huge campaign to distribute literature and posters and whatever else they have up their sleeves to influence a yes vote, and all this is funded by public money and receives full support from the EU. The NO campaign enjoy no such support and financing.!

The mainstream media is the most powerful tool in influencing public opinion and is being used to the maximum during the Lisbon campaign. The mainstream News, national radio and newspapers are heavily involved in influencing the decisions of their many followers and the current economic climate in particular is being exploited to influence the population with false promises of economic recovery if Ireland ratifies the Lisbon treaty.



Activism in Ireland


Irish anti-Lisbon groups are tasked with counteracting this propaganda and are self financed. We are offering truth events across Ireland featuring talks and presentations on the Lisbon treaty and related subjects. We currently have many leaflet campaigns in operation throughout Ireland and many dedicated people who are happy to distribute this material and finance the campaign.

 

 

 

 

Newspaper


As part of our educational campaign we are publishing a newspaper with the primary aim of providing accurate information regarding what the Lisbon treaty really is and what it means for Ireland and Europe. The newspaper will feature detailed information on the un-democratic power structure of the EU, facts and figures on the Lisbon treaty and reports on government and institutional corruption and political subversion.
This newspaper will leave no doubt in anybody's mind that the Lisbon treaty must be rejected at all costs. Just the very name of the newspaper speaks for itself!

 



 


Irelands Responsibility Toward Europe


Ireland is a very small nation with a population of a mere 4 million people. Yet they are the only country in Europe who have the referendum. This comes with huge responsibility toward the half a billion people in Europe who were denied the referendum, and whose governments ratified the treaty against their wishes. The ratification process must be unanimous in other words all 27 member nations must ratify the treaty for it to come into effect at all. Its all or nothing.

The eyes of the whole of Europe are now on the Irish people who hold the key to freedom for 500 million people. Ireland are the last chance and the last hope, and the Irish people need the full support of the peoples of Europe to sink the Lisbon threat once and for all. There is very little time left and there is still much work to be done in Ireland waking up the masses to the deception that is taking place. So they do not get deceived and pressurized into finally giving up their freedom and liberty to a one party EU Superstate under the Lisbon treaty. Please visit www.wethepeople.ie for more information on the Lisbon treaty and the Irish Constitution.



Irish Anti-Lisbon, Anti-NWO Websites:


http://www.sovereignindependent.com/


http://www.info-wars.org/


http://www.wethepeople.ie/


http://www.wiseupjournal.com/


http://www.oneworldscam.com/


http://www.refuseresist.net/


http://www.jimcorr.com/


 


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« Reply #899 on: July 06, 2009, 08:38:08 PM »



Dear Friends,
Below for your information is a summary of 13 important things the Lisbon Treaty would do if it were to come into force, as well as a longer document which explains these points more fully.

These have been prepared with the help of authorities on Irish constitutional and European law, and you can take it that the facts they give on the Treaty and its consequences are accurate.

The Irish people will reject this proposed EU Constitution again in the Lisbon Two referendum in October if they are made aware of what is in it.
*Lisbon's proposal to give the Big States from 50-100% more voting power in making EU laws, while halving Ireland's voting power to 0.8%, would be economically disastrous for us in face of the economic crisis, as Brussels, Frankfurt and the Big EU States insist on savage cut-backs being imposed on the Irish economy. *

That is why the most urgent task for those of us who want to defend Irish democracy, national independence and our ability to defend our economic interests in face of Lisbon is to take the initiative in adapting the information below and spreading it to our friends and neighbours between now and September, when the big guns of the Government and Yes-side will get going.
Maybe you and your friends and colleagues could set up a small canvassing team and use this material - not in two months time, but this week and next week and the week after that - to get the facts about Lisbon to the people in your area by going to see them and talking to them on their doorsteps? These facts can also be used in letters to the national and local press.

If you want to hold local meetings to get such canvassing groups going, please contact whichever of the various No-to-Lisbon bodies is closest to your views, or else contact us, which will try to provide a speaker service to the best of our ability.

Yours faithfully
/Anthony Coughlan*
*/Director
(President, Foundation for EU Democracy, Brussels)

__________
*Summary of 13 things the Lisbon Treaty would do*
----------------
*The Lisbon Treaty ...*
*
1. Would be a power-grab by the Big States for control of the EU by basing EU law-making post-Lisbon primarily on population size.* This would double Germany's voting power in making European laws from its present 8% to 17%, increase Britain's, France's and Italy's from 8% to 12% each, and halve Ireland's vote to 0.8%. * * How does having 0.8% of a vote in making EU laws put Ireland/ "at the heart of Europe"/ ? Taoiseach Brian Cowen's "guarantees" do not explain how having half as much influence in the EU as Ireland has today would induce the other Member States to listen to our concerns on unemployment and help to resolve the economic crisis in the interest of Irish companies, workers and farmers.

*2.Would copperfasten the Laval and related judgements of the EU Court of Justice,* which put the competition rules of the EU market above the rights of Trade Unions to enforce pay standards higher than the minimum wage for migrant workers. At the same time Lisbon would give the EU full control of immigration policy (Art.79 TFEU).

*3. Would permit the post-Lisbon EU to impose Europe-wide taxes directly on us for the first time without need of further Treaties or referendums* (Art.311 TFEU).

*4. Would amend the existing treaties to give the EU exclusive power as regards rules on foreign direct investment*(Arts.206-7 TFEU)* and give the Court of Justice the power to order the harmonisation of national indirect taxes* if it decides that this causes a/ "distortion of competition"/ in the market (Art.113 TFEU). These changes could undermine our 12.5% corporation profits tax, which is the principal attraction of Ireland for foreign business.

*5. Would abolish our present right to/ "propose"/ and decide who Ireland's Commissioner is*,* by replacing it with a right to make/"suggestions"/ only, leaving it up to the incoming Commission President to decide* (Art.17.7 TEU). Our No vote last year secured us a commitment to a permanent Commissioner, but what is the point of every EU State continuing to have its own Commissioner post-Lisbon when it can no longer decide who that Commissioner will be?
*6. Would give the European Union the Constitution of an EU Federal State which would have primacy over the Irish and other national Constitutions.* This post-Lisbon EU would for the first time be legally separate from and superior to its 27 Member States and would sign international treaties with other States in all areas of its powers (Arts.1 and 47 TEU;/ Declaration 17 concerning Primacy/). In constitutional terms Lisbon would thereby turn Ireland into a regional or provincial state within this new Federal-style European Union, with the EU's Constitution and laws having legal primacy over the Irish Constitution and laws in any cases of conflict between the two.

*7. Would turn us into real citizens for the first time of this new post-Lisbon European Union, owing obedience to its laws and loyalty to its authority* over and above our obedience and loyalty to Ireland and the Irish Constitution and laws in the event of any conflict between the two. We would still keep our Irish citizenship, but it would be subordinate to our new EU citizenship and the rights and duties vis-a-vis the EU that would attach to that(Art.9 TEU).

*8. Would give the EU Court of Justice the power to decide our rights as EU citizens by making the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights legally binding for the first time*(Art.6 TEU)*.* This would give power to the EU judges to use their case law to lay down a uniform standard of rights for the 500 million citizens of the post-Lisbon Union in the name of a common EU citizenship in the years to come. It would open the possibility of clashes with national human rights standards in sensitive areas where Member States differ from one another at present, e.g. trial by jury, the presumption of innocence until proven guilty,/ habeas corpus,/ the legalisation of hard drugs, euthanasia, abortion, labour law, succession law, marriage law, children's rights etc. Ireland's Supreme Court and the Strasbourg Court of Human Rights would no longer have the final say on what our rights are.

*9. Would abolish the national veto Ireland has at present by handing over to the EU the power to make laws binding on us in 32 new policy areas,* including public services, crime, justice and policing, immigration, energy, transport, tourism, sport, culture, public health, the EU budget and international measures on climate change.

*10. Would reduce the power of National Parliaments to make laws in relation to 49 policy areas or matters, and increase the influence of the European Parliament in making EU laws in 19 new areas* (See euabc.eu for the two lists).

*11. Would be a self-amending Treaty* which would permit the EU Prime Ministers and Presidents to shift most remaining EU policy areas where unanimity is required and a national veto still exists - for example on tax harmonisation - to qualified majority voting on the EU Council of Ministers, without need of further EU Treaties or referendums(Art.48 TEU).

*12. Would enable the 27 EU Prime Ministers to appoint an EU President for up to five years without allowing voters any say as to who he or she would be -* thereby abolishing the present six-monthly rotating EU presidencies (Art.15.5 TEU).

*13. Would militarize the EU further,* requiring Member States/ "progressively to improve their military capabilities"/(Art.42.3 TEU) and to aid and assist other Member States experiencing armed attack/ "by all the means in their power"/ (Art.42.7 TEU).

* TEU* =/ Treaty on European Union/ as amended by the Lisbon Treaty
* TFEU*=/ Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union / as amended by the
Lisbon Treaty


___________________
*EXPLANATORY DOCUMENT ON LISBON*
__________________
* FACTS ON THE LISBON TREATY*
*
Millions of Europeans support us: * By voting No we remain full members of the EU and of the euro currency based on the existing Nice Treaty, but we reject the proposed Lisbon Treaty as a step too far. Millions of our fellow Europeans who are being denied referendums on Lisbon by their politicians are hoping that we will say No again for their sakes. We can thereby open the way for a better Treaty for a better and more democratic Europe.

*The economic crisis: * All 27 EU Members are in economic crisis. Ireland is worse than most because of the borrowing binge, housing bubble and Bank bail-outs which were encouraged by the same golden circle of politicians and bankers as are now bringing us Lisbon Two. The crisis makes Lisbon's model of a deregulated, privatised, let-it-rip EU economy quite out-of-date. Lisbon's proposal to give the Big States from 50-100% more voting power in the EU, while halving Ireland's voting power to 0.8% would be economically disastrous for us in face of the economic crisis, as Brussels, Frankfurt and the Big EU States insist on savage cut-backs being imposed on the Irish economy.

*We remain full EU members:* There is no question of Ireland being sidelined or pushed out of the EU or the euro-currency if we stand by our No to Lisbon. As Ireland's EU Commissioner Charlie McCreevy said in/ Hot Press/ last December/: "There is no provision in the existing treaties to isolate anybody. There is no provision to throw out anybody, unless unanimously all the existing members of the club agreed to throw you out. And I doubt, now or in the future, any Irish Government is going to unanimously agree to throw themselves out."

/*Exactly the same Lisbon Treaty:* Not a dot or comma of the Lisbon Treaty will be changed for Lisbon Two. If Lisbon comes into force it will be interpreted by the EU Court of Justice and not on the basis of political declarations by the EU Prime Ministers and Presidents. These do not change anything in the Treaty and are not legally binding as part of EU law. Promises of changes to suit Ireland in some future EU Treaty cannot pull back on anything in the Lisbon Treaty once it is in force. The EU Prime Ministers state that they/"will clarify but not change either the content or the application of the Treaty of Lisbon/", which only the EU Court can decide on (/Summit Conclusions
/19-6-2009)./ / As pro-Lisbon journalist James Downey has written:/ "The antis are right about one thing, if one thing only. Any guarantees we may get on their concerns will be irrelevant, or worthless, or both."/ (/Irish Independent,/ 21-3-2009)

*Overturning the people's vote:* The Lisbon Treaty is the new legal form of the EU Constitution which French and Dutch voters rejected in their 2005 referendums. Irish voters rejected it in last year's referendum by 53% to 47%. All genuine democrats, including Yes-side voters, should respect that vote as the French and Dutch Governments did. Respecting it would have meant Taoiseach Brian Cowen telling his EU partners that Ireland could not ratify Lisbon because the Irish people had voted No to it, so there was no point in their continuing to ratify it as EU Treaties must be unanimous. Instead Taoiseach Cowen and Foreign Minister Martin told the other EU Governments on the morning of last year's count to ignore their own people's vote and to continue with ratifying Lisbon.They persuaded their EU colleagues that they could get the Irish people to overturn their democratic No vote in a second referendum on exactly the same Treaty, if they got enough support from France, Germany etc. in the form of statements about Ireland's concerns, even though the Treaty is unchanged.

*Turning the EU into a State:* Lisbon would be a giant step in turning the EU into a supranational Federal-style State, in which Ireland would effectively be reduced to regional or provincial status. It would give Government Ministers and the Big EU States huge new powers, while taking power away from ordinary citizens across the EU, and from the National Parliaments they elect. Because of our Constitution, only Ireland is being allowed a vote on it. Only we Irish can save democracy in the EU by refusing to allow ourselves be pressurised into overturning our rejection of Lisbon in 2008. If we vote No again in Lisbon Two we hold the door open to our fellow countrymen and women in Northern Ireland and give them the chance of having a say in a UK referendum next year.

*Denying citizens a vote:* France's President Sarkozy and EU Commissioner Charlie McCreevy have admitted that if Lisbon were put to referendum in other EU countries their voters would reject it too. Although opinion polls show that people in most Member States want to decide for themselves whether they should be put under an EU Constitution which would override their National Constitutions, the EU Prime Ministers refused to allow referendums. This does not bode well for the future of democracy in the EU.
*A UK Referendum: * There is now a race in time between the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, which would greatly increase the power of the Big States and the Brussels Commission in the EU, and the coming to office of a new Government in Britain by next May. Labour's Gordon Brown broke Tony Blair's promise to give the British people a referendum. David Cameron's policy is to hold a referendum on Lisbon in the UK and recommend a No vote to it to the British people - so long as we Irish do not change our No vote of last year and thereby bring Lisbon and the new undemocratic EU it would create into being for all 27 EU Member States first.

/*These are the main reasons why Lisbon is a bad Treaty for Ireland and for the EU. It would Š */
/*
*/*1. Be a power-grab by the Big States for control of the EU. * At present EU laws are made by a simple majority of Member States (14 out of 27), so long as between them they have a qualified majority of 255 votes out of 345. Under this Nice Treaty system the Big States have 29 votes each and Ireland has 7, one quarter of each Big State. Under Lisbon future EU laws would be made by 55% of Member States, i.e. 15 out of 27, so long as they have 65% of the total EU population between them. By basing EU law-making primarily on/ population size/, the Lisbon Treaty would double Germany's relative voting strength on the EU Council of Ministers from its present 8% of the total votes to 17% on a population basis, and increase France's, Britain's and Italy's by half, from 8% to 12% - while halving Ireland's vote from 2% to 0.8% (Art.16,/ Treaty on European Union/ / TEU). How does having 0.8% of a vote in making EU laws put us/ "at the heart of Europe"/? Taoiseach Brian Cowen's "guarantees" do not explain how having half as much influence in the EU as Ireland has today would induce other Member States to listen to our concerns on unemployment and help to resolve the economic crisis in the interest of Irish companies, workers and farmers./ (*See Note 1 below on the voting rules for making EU laws)

/*2. Copperfasten the Laval and related judgements of the EU Court of Justice,* which put the competition rules of the EU market above the right of Trade Unions to enforce pay standards higher than the minimum wage for migrant workers. At the same time Lisbon would give the EU full control of immigration policy (Art.79 TFEU). This combination threatens the pay and working conditions of many Irish people. A Protocol in a new Treaty different from Lisbon would be needed to set aside the recent Laval, Rüffert and other EU Court judgements, but the EU Prime Ministers refused that.

*3. Permit the post-Lisbon EU to impose Europe-wide taxes directly on us for the first time without need of further Treaties or referendums* (Art.311 TFEU). This could be any kind of tax - income tax, sales tax, property tax - so long as it was unanimously agreed by EU Governments. If Lisbon were to be ratified, Government Ministers would have every incentive to agree to give the EU much increased "/own resources"/ by introducing its own taxes to finance the many new functions the EU would obtain under the Treaty.

*4*.* Amend the existing treaties to give the EU exclusive power as regards rules on foreign direct investment* (Arts.206-7 TFEU)* and give the Court of Justice the power to order the harmonisation of national indirect taxes* it it decides that they cause a/"distortion of competition"/ in the EU market (Art.113 TFEU). This amendment and the new Protocol No. 27 on the Internal Market and Competition would strengthen the hand of the Court in using the EU's internal market rules to subvert Ireland's low 12.5% company tax rat*e*, which is the principal reason foreign firms come to Ireland and stay here when they come. Compare Germany's 30% company tax rate. Commission plans for a harmonised tax base in the EU, the precursor of harmonised tax rates, have been put on the back-burner until after Lisbon Two for fear they would alarm Irish voters.

*5.* The Commission, which is appointed not elected, has the monopoly of proposing all European laws.* The Lisbon Treaty would abolish our present right to/ "propose"/ and decide who Ireland's Commissioner is, by replacing it with a right to make"suggestions" only, leaving it up to the incoming Commission President to decide* (Art.17.7 TEU; cf.Art.214 TEC). Our No vote of last year secured us a commitment to a permanent Commissioner, but what is the point of every EU State continuing to have its own Commissioner post-Lisbon when it can no longer decide who that Commissioner will be? Under the present Nice Treaty Ireland would continue to decide who should be our Commissioner, and can continue to have an Irish Commissioner indefinitely as well. / (*See Note 2 below explaining how).

/*6. Give the legally new EU which it would establish its own State Constitution, which would be superior to the Irish and other national Constitutions. * Lisbon would abolish the existing European Community which Ireland joined in 1973 and transfer all of its powers and institutions to the new post-Lisbon Union.* * It would give the European Union its own legal personality for the first time, which would be constitutionally separate from and superior to its 27 Member States, so that it could sign international Treaties with other States in all areas of its powers (Arts.1 and 47 TEU;/ Declaration No.17 concerning Primacy/). This post-Lisbon EU would have the same name but would be constitutionally very different from the present EU, which was founded by the 1992 Maastricht Treaty.

In constitutional terms Lisbon would thereby turn Ireland into a regional or provincial state within this new Federal-style Union, with the EU's Constitution and laws having legal primacy over the Irish Constitution and laws in any cases of conflict between the two. The EU Court of Justice, as the Supreme Court of the new post-Lisbon Union, would decide such conflicts. Constitutionally and in the eyes of others this would be the end of Ireland's position as an independent sovereign State in the international community of States. Although we would retain some of the trappings of independent statehood from pre-Lisbon days, in reality we would be more like a regional or provincial state such as Bavaria inside Federal Germany or Massachussetts or Texas inside the USA. From the inside the EU would seem to be based on a Treaty between States, but from the outside it would look like a State itself. The only major power of a State which the post-Lisbon European Union would lack would be the power to force its members to go to war against their will, although they could go to war voluntarily on the EU's behalf. / (*See Notes 3 and 5 below on the constitutional revolution the Lisbon Treaty would bring about)

/*7. Turn us all into real citizens for the first time of this new post-Lisbon European Union, owing obedience to its laws and loyalty to its authority* over and above our obedience and loyalty to Ireland and the Irish Constitution and laws in the event of any conflict between the two. One can only be a citizen of a State. and all States must have citizens. Article 9 TEU would give us an/ "additional"/ EU citizenship, on top of our Irish citizenship. This would be a real EU citizenship for the first time, with associated citizens' rights and duties, and would be quite different from the notional or symbolical EU "citizenship" of today. We would still retain our Irish citizenship, but it would be subordinate to our EU citizenship in any case of conflict between the two, as is the case with citizens of such Federal States as Germany, the USA, Switzerland, Canada/./ The EU Court of Justice would decide on any such conflicts./ (*See Note 4 below)/
/
/*8. Give the EU Court of Justice the power to decide our rights as EU citizens by making the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights legally binding for the first time* (Art.6 TEU*). * The Charter includes such rights as free speech, the right to fair trial, the right to life, the rights of the child, the right to strike, property rights etc. - all of them rights we already have under the Irish Constitution, but which it would fall to the EU Court of Justice, not Ireland's courts, to interpret and decide for people* in their capacity as citizens of the post-Lisbon EU* if Lisbon should be ratified. This would enable the EU judges to use its case-law to lay down a uniform standard of rights for the 500 million citizens of the post-Lisbon Union in the name of a common EU citizenship in the years and decades to come. It would open the possibility of clashes with national human rights standards in sensitive areas where Member States differ from one another at present, e.g. trial by jury, the presumption of innocence until proven guilty,/ habeas corpus,/ the legalisation of hard drugs, euthanasia, abortion, labour law, succession law, marriage law, children's rights etc. Ireland's Supreme Court and the Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg would no longer have the final say on what our rights are.

*9. Ireland would lose the national veto it has at present by handing over to the EU the power to make laws binding on us in 32 new policy areas,* including public services, crime, justice and policing, immigration, energy, transport, tourism, sport, culture, public health, the EU budget and international measures on climate change (Art.191 TFEU). The Dáil and Irish voters who elect the Dáil would no longer decide laws or policy for the areas transferred/. (*See Note 6 below on the respective law-making powers of the EU and its Member States after Lisbon.)/
*10. Reduce the power of National Parliaments to make laws in relation to 49 policy areas or matters, and increase the influence of the European Parliament in making EU laws in 19 new areas* (See euabc.eu/Heeger II for the two detailed lists). Lisbon would entitle one-third of the National Parliaments or 1 million EU citizens to request the EU Commission to propose a new EU law or to abandon a proposed law, but the Commission need not accede to any such request (Art.11.4 TEU; Protocol No. 2 on Subsidiarity and Proportionality). Lisbon underlines the implicitly subordinate role of National Parliaments in the institutional structure of the post-Lisbon Union by laying down that/ "National Parliaments contribute actively to the good functioning of the Union"/ by various means that are set out in Art.12 TEU. Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), who at present are/ "representatives of the peoples of the Member States brought together in the Community"/(Art.189 TEC), would under Lisbon become/ "representatives of the Union's citizens"/(Art.14 TEU). This change illustrates the constitutional revolution Lisbon would bring about.

*11. Be a self-amending Treaty* which would permit the EU Prime Ministers and Presidents to shift most remaining EU policy areas where unanimity is required and a national veto still exists - e.g. on tax harmonisation - to qualified majority voting on the Council of Ministers, without need of further EU Treaties or referendums (Art.48.7 TEU). In addition, the so-called "Flexibility Clause", which allows the EU to take action and adopt measures to attain one of the EU's objectives even if/ "the Treaties have not provided the necessary powers,"/ would be extended by Lisbon to all areas of the Treaty and not just the internal market rules as before (Art.352 TFEU). This would open the floodgates to more political integration, i.e. centralisation, by means of this article, which is already widely used.

*12. Enable the 27 EU Prime Ministers and Presidents to appoint an EU President for up to five years without allowing voters any say as to who he or she would be - * thereby abolishing the present six-monthly rotating EU presidencies (Art.15.5 TEU). Appointment rather than democratic election to this and other top EU jobs, such as the proposed EU "Foreign Minister"/ High Representative (Art.21.3 TEU), typifies the undemocratic nature of the proposed Lisbon Constitution. It is the Prime Ministers and Presidents of the Big States who would have the key say in these appointments because of the big increase in their voting power under Lisbon.

*13. Militarize the EU further,* requiring Member States/ "progressively to improve their military capabilities"/(Art.42.3 TEU) and to aid and assist other Member States experiencing armed attack/ "by all the means in their power"/ (Art.42.7 TEU).
* Explanatory Notes*
*
*
/**Note 1: Voting to make EU laws: */ When Ireland joined the then EEC in 1973 Germany, France, Britain and Italy had 10 votes each in making European laws and Ireland had 3 - one-third that of the Big States. Under the present Nice Treaty the Big States have 29 votes each and Ireland has 7 - one quarter of the Big States. Under Lisbon Germany's votes would be 20 times Ireland's, for it has 80 million people as against Ireland's 4 million, and France, Britain and Italy, with their average populations of 60 million, would each have 15 times more votes than Ireland. Germany and France between them have one-third of the EU's population of near 500 million. Under the Lisbon rules they would need only two small countries to vote with them to block any EU law they did not like. (The present voting rules are set out in Art. 205 TEC and the Declaration on EU Enlargement. The Lisbon rules are in Art. 238 TFEU).

/**Note 2: Keeping Ireland's Commissioner under Nice: */ The Nice Treaty requires the number of Commissioners to be fewer than the number of Member States from 2009, without specifying a number, and any change must be agreed unanimously (Art.4,/ Protocol on Enlargement/). This can be done by reducing the number of Commissioners from 27 to 26, which would mean Ireland would lose its Commissioner once every 135 years. Alternatively, the country whose national is given the job of EU Foreign Minister could be represented by that person on the Commission. So there would be no need for any country to lose a Commissioner under Nice, unless they were compensated by having one of their nationals given this more important job instead.

/**Note 3: Ireland's proposed Constitutional Amendment: */ The first sentence of the proposed Constitutional Amendment which Irish voters rejected last summer and which they are being asked to change their minds on in October, recognises that Lisbon would establish a legally new European Union which would have the same name but would politically and constitutionally be very different from the present Nice/Maastricht Treaty-based EU/: "The State may ratify the Treaty of Lisbon signed at Lisbon on the 13th day of December 2007, and may be a member of the European Union_ established by virtue of that Treaty_. _ No provision of this Constitution invalidates_ laws enacted, acts done or measures adopted by the State that are necessitated by membership of the European Union,_ or prevents_ laws enacted, acts done or measures adopted by the said European Union or by institutions thereof, or by bodies competent under the treaties referred to in this section, from having the force of law in the State/." (emphasis added/)/
/**Note 4: EU Citizenship*/: Under the present Nice Treaty EU citizenship is stated to/ "complement"/ national citizenship (Art.17 TEC). This is purely notional or symbolical, for the present EU is not a State, and one can only be a citizen of a State. Neither does the present EU have legal personality, so that it cannot have individuals as members. All that would change with Lisbon, which would make citizenship of the constitutionally new Union/ "additional to/" national citizenship (Art. 9 TEU). This would be a real Federal citizenship with associated rights and duties vis-à-vis the new EU, with all the implications of that. In classical Federations such as the USA or 19th century Germany, both sovereignty and dual citizenships are divided between the federal and the regional / provincial levels.
/**Note 5: Lisbon's Constitutional Revolution: */ The Lisbon Treaty proposes to "constitute" or establish a legally new European Union while retaining the same name, by amending the two existing European Treaties rather than by replacing these completely with a formally titled "Constitution", as the Treaty which the French and Dutch rejected in their 2005 referendums sought to do (See the first sentence of the Irish Constitutional Amendment above and Arts.1 and 47 TEU for proof of this). When the French and Dutch rejected this Constitutional Treaty, the EU Prime Ministers and Presidents decided to get a Federal-style EU Constitution through indirectly rather than directly without using the word "Constitution", for they realised that talk of EU Constitutions alarmed people and made too obvious the constitutional revolution being proposed. The result is the Lisbon Treaty.

Because the Lisbon Treaty consists of a long series of amendments to the two existing European Treaties, one can only understand what it would do by referring to the latter Treaties as they would be if amended by Lisbon. This document does that. The Constitution of the proposed post-Lisbon European Union would therefore be the two existing European Treaties as they would be when and if they are amended by the Lisbon Treaty. These would be the/* Treaty on European Union (TEU)*/ and the/* Treaty on the Functioning of the Union (TFEU).*/ The two Treaties would have the same legal value (Art.1 TEU). The second of these, the/ Treaty on the Functioning of the Union/, would be the new name for the present second Treaty, the/ Treaty Establishing the European Community (TEC),/ for Lisbon would abolish the existing European Community which Ireland joined in 1973.

In legal content and effect the Lisbon Treaty is virtually 100% the same as the Constitutional Treaty which the French and Dutch rejected. Both Treaties would abolish the existing European Community and the Nice/Maastricht-based European Union and establish in their place a constitutionally new European Union with its own legal personality, which would be legally separate from and superior to its Member States for the first time. Lisbon, like its predecessor, would then confer a real/ "additional"/ EU citizenship, with accompanying EU citizens' rights and duties, on the 500 million citizens of the 27 Member States, without most of them being aware of it or being allowed any direct say on it. At the same time the same name/, "The European Union"/, would be retained for the post-Lisbon EU as for the existing Nice/Maastricht-based EU, even though the new Union's constitutional-political character would be fundamentally changed.

Those pushing this great deception hope that the media and ordinary citizens in the 27 Member States will not notice the constitutional revolution which Lisbon seeks to bring about - for the EU itself and for its Member States - until after it is accomplished. People are to be sleep-walked into becoming citizens of a Federal-style EU without knowing it. Hence the decision of the EU Prime Ministers and Presidents in 2005 to avoid referendums on this proposed constitutional/political revolution at all costs, in case people might be alerted and protest.
/** Note 6: EU powers and Member State powers:*/ In some policy areas the EU has* exclusive powers* to make laws for its Member States, so that they can no longer legislate for those areas (Art.3 TFEU). These areas are the customs Union, competition rules for the internal market, interest rate and exchange rate policy for the eurozone countries, fisheries conservation, the common commercial policy and trade treaties. In most policy areas the EU exercises* shared powers* with its Member States. These areas are the internal market, some areas of social policy, economic, social and territorial cohesion, environment, consumer protection, transport, trans-European networks, energy, the area of freedom, security and justice, and common safety concerns in public health as defined in the Treaty. In these areas of shared law-making it is the EU, not the Member States, which decides what can be done. The Lisbon Treaty lays down:/ "Member States shall exercise their competence to the extent that the Union has not exercised its competence" / or "/ to the extent that the Union has decided to cease exercising its competence"/(Art.2 TFEU). The EU also has* independent powers* in relation to research, technological development, space, development cooperation and humanitarian aid, without the right to inhibit Member State activity in these areas (Art. 4.3 TFEU). Lisbon also confers on the EU* supporting, coordinating or supplementing powers* in relation to the actions of Member States* * in protecting and improving human health, industry, culture, tourism, education, youth, sport and vocational training, civil protection and administrative cooperation (Art.6 TFEU). In addition the EU has its* Common Foreign, Security and Defence Policy*(Arts.21-46 TEU). It is safe to say that there is no area of State law-making or public policy that would not be either decided, influenced or touched by the EU's powers after Lisbon. It is unsurprising therefore that the EU now decides the majority of legal acts for its Member States each year. (/For a full list of the specific powers transferred to the EU level see _ euabc.eu_ - legal analysis by Klaus Heeger,/ II)/ /
/* */
* * * * *
*
*
*This** document has been prepared by The National Platform EU Research and Information Centre, 24 Crawford Ave., Dublin 9; Tel: 01-8305792; Web-site: nationalplatform.org; Director Anthony Coughlan. It has been checked for legal accuracy with authorities on European and Irish constitutional law. *
*
*
*Please feel free to use and adapt it as you see fit, without any need of reference to or acknowledgement of its source. Please photocopy it and distribute it to others so as to inform people how Ireland's pro-Lisbon politicians - some wittingly, some unwittingly - are out to do profound damage to our political and economic interests in the EU by seeking to overturn last year's Lisbon Treaty referendum result. *
*
*
*We are an entirely voluntary body and depend on citizens' donations for our work. To help this, and to enable us spread this information more widely, please send what donation you can to our address above, making cheques out to Bank of Ireland Account No. 30081817. *
*For useful non-partisan material on the Lisbon Treaty and all aspects of the EU, see the Dictionary/Lexicon of EU terms and associated data and linked internet items at_ euabc.eu_ *

July 2009
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« Reply #900 on: July 06, 2009, 11:26:56 PM »


Saw this post at  http://info-wars.org/?p=3476    Food For Thought


Quote

Joe on July 7th, 2009 5:20 am

We’re all knackered if this treaty get’s through — I only hope that there’s enough Irish People left that have enough common sense to see through all the lies coming from government and E.U. — Imagine a 25 year old yuppie woman in Dublin 4 now , oh, yes , Europe and progress …. etc …. in 45 year’s she will be a 70 year old grandmother — She will be watching her grandson chained-up like an animal in shackles coming out of a “European Federal Court” in Dublin and taken away — to be flown to a Prison in Eastern Europe — what used to be Poland — to serve a 40 year sentence for punching-out a Portuguese Policeman that was harassing his girlfriend down an alleyway in Dublin — The Portuguese policeman stationed at Pearse St. Federal European Police Station in Dublin was attempting to gain sexual favours or arrest the two of them on trumped-up charges — The 70 year old grandmother steps out of court and stands by the Liffey River — through teary eyes she remembers “the good old days” — She thinks about 2009 — and the good people who tried to warn her of these things… way back then … WHY … Oh … Why.. Did I Vote Yes ……
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« Reply #901 on: July 07, 2009, 09:59:02 AM »

Lisbon Treaty: 24 down, three to play
http://www.agoravox.com/article.php3?id_article=10304
7 July 2009




German Constitutional Court, ratification of Lisbon Treaty

The German Constitutional Court cleared the way for German ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon, subject to legislation being adopted requiring parliamentary approval of EU decisions which affect core German state competences.The government plans to present the necessary bill for a first reading in August and a second in September, with a view to its adoption before the Irish vote.However, the Bavarian Christian Democrat CSU are asking for the legislation to be delayed until after the German elections on 27 September.The drafting exercise is difficult, both legally and politically, and the Bundesrat needs careful handling as there has always beenconsiderable sensitivity over the loss of Länder competences to the EU.

We now have to wait for the second Irish referendum, to be held in late September/early October and which is expected to have a favourable result.The latest news from Warsaw suggests that President Lech Kaczynski will sign the necessary instrument if the Irish vote ‘Yes’.

That leaves the arch Eurosceptic Vaclav Klaus, who only recently repeated that the arrangement with Ireland should be approved by the Czech parliament because it changes the character of the Lisbon treaty.Prime Minister Jan Fischer disagrees and said that it is an international treaty of a government type, and therefore need not be ratified by parliament.It is hard to believe that one man will be allowed to kill the Lisbon Treaty.

Court judgment

The Constitutional Court decided that the “Act Approving the Treaty of Lisbon” is compatible with the German Basic Law, but the “Act Extending and Strengthening the Rights of the Bundestag and the
Bundesrat in European Union Matters” infringes the Basic Law insofar as the two houses of parliament have not been accorded sufficient rights of participation in European law making and treaty amendment procedures.

The removal of the obstacle preventing German ratification of the new treaty is welcome.It is too early to anticipate the effects of other aspects of the Karlsruhe court’s judgment on European integration.The court is jealous of state sovereignty (as would be expected of a constitutional court), and also expresses concern about the Union’s democratic deficit.However, it makes clear that, the Basic Law wants European integration and an international peaceful order.

The court considers that the only real basis for democracy in the EU is the national parliaments.

In essence, the judgment is based on the structural problem of the EU.The extent of the Union’s freedom of action has steadily and considerably increased, not least by the Treaty of Lisbon, so that in some policy fields the EU corresponds to a federal state: in contrast, the internal decision-making procedures remain predominantly those of an international organization.

EU citizens remain the decisive holders of public authority, including Union authority.The primary responsibility for integration is in the hands of the national constitutional bodies which act on behalf of the citizens. With increasing competences and further independence of the institutions of the Union, safeguards that keep up with this development are necessary.

Further expansion of the competences of the European Parliament can reduce, but not completely fill, the gap between the extent of the decision-making power of the Union’s institutions and the citizens’ democratic power of action in the Member States.

The authorisation to transfer sovereign powers to the EU is, however, granted conditionally on the sovereign statehood of the Member States being respected and their retaining sufficient room for the political formation of the economic, cultural and social circumstances of life.

This concerns in particular the administration of criminal law, the civil and the military monopoly on the use of force, fundamental fiscal decisions on revenue and expenditure, the shaping of the circumstances of life by social policy, and important decisions on cultural issues such as the school and education system, provisions governing the media, and dealing with religious communities.

The Basic Law does not allow the transfer of sovereign powers in such a way that their exercise can independently establish other competences for the EU: there cannot be a transfer of competence allowing the EU to decide on its own competence.

With the present status of integration, the EU does not yet, even upon the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, attain a shape that corresponds to the level of legitimization of a democracy constituted as a state. It is not a federal state but remains an association of sovereign states.

The European Parliament is not a body of representation of a sovereign European people but a supranational body of representation of the peoples of the Member States.

Some practical effects are:

•The German government cannot agree, without the prior approval of the Bundestag and Bundesrat, the application of the “passerelle” clause under the Lisbon Treaty - Article 48.7 -of the“Treaty on European Union” (TEU), making possible the voting transition from unanimity to qualified majority, or the transition from the special to the ordinary legislative procedure.
•This also applies in the case of the special bridging clause - Article 81.3 (2) - of the “Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union” (TFEU) being used.
•The flexibility clause (Article 352 of the TEU, which allows the Union to acquire powers to attain its objectives where the treaties do not already provide them, cannot be used without the approval of the Bundestag and the Bundesrat.
•The competences that have been newly established or deepened by the Treaty of Lisbon in the areas of judicial cooperation in criminal and civil matters, external trade relations, common defence and with regard to social concerns, must be strictly justified and exercised by the Union.
•Justice is a mixed Land and Bund (Federation) competence, and part of the Court’s concern is that the new ‘third pillar’ competences inpinge upon the competences of the Länder.The Bund cannot constitutionally surrender or diminish the competences of the Länder.
•Extending the list of particularly serious crimes with a
cross-border dimension “on the basis of developments in crime” (83.1(3) TEU)is subject to the requirement of the enactment of
a specific statute, as required by the Basic Law.
•In the area of judicial cooperation in criminal matters, particular requirements must additionally be placed on the provisions which accord a Member State special rights in the legislative procedure (Articles 82.3 and 83.3 TFEU) - the so-called emergency brake procedure.The German government can only act with the appropriate parliamentary approval.
•The mandatory requirement of parliamentary approval for the deployment of armed forces abroad will continue to exist.

Conclusion

In a nutshell, the Constitutional Court is saying that European integration may not result in the system of democratic rule in Germany being undermined.

The court is jealous of state sovereignty, as would be expected of a constitutional court: a similar approach in Ireland led to the political, if not legal, need for a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty.

The court sees the EU, not as a federal state, but an association of sovereign states.Maybe Jacques Delors’ “federation of nation states” is a more appropriate depiction.However, while the Member States are sovereign, the court upholds their right to transfer sovereignty to the Union in designated areas, subject to complying with the relevant national constitutional provisions.

The court expresses concern about the EU’s democratic deficit.It regards national parliaments as the only real basis for democracy in the Union.The European Parliament does not represent a sovereign European people, but is a supranational body of representation of the peoples of the Member States.

These legal views are not inconsistent with further European integration and are not suggesting a more intergovernmental community. However, they can easily be distorted.The hydra ofnationalism and parochialism is not dead in Europe.

The court rightly draws attention to the democratic deficit and underlines the important role of national parliaments.The Lisbon Treaty increases their involvement, but a way must be found further to increase their involvement, without the decision-making process becoming too cumbersome.The trouble is that most Member State parliaments have shown little interest in the EU in general and the European Parliament, in particular.The Danish parliament monitors the process and indeed controls the way Danish ministers vote in Council. This would be dangerous if extended Union-wide but further integration is only possible if a way is found to connect the EU with its citizens.National parliaments should be a key to this happening, although the public opinions of parliaments in general, and political parties in particular, are worryingly low.

To what extent will the judgment limit the application of the Lisbon Treaty?The answer will be influenced by the wording of the legislation to be enacted by the German parliament to implement the court’s judgment; the procedure laid down for obtaining parliamentary approval of EU decisions which affect core German state competences; and whether such approval must always be by the plenary sessions of both the Bundestag and the Bundesrat.The extent of the Merkel cgovernment’s influence over parliament will be relevant.

The wording is already causing problems.The CSU (the Bavarian counterpart of the CDU) is pushing for parliament to have far more influence than CDU MPs want. CSU MPs appear to seek government commitment to gaining Bundestag consent in all Europe policy decisions. German politicians are looking for inspiration to the Austrian and Danish systems of parliamentary scrutiny.

The judgment and resulting legislation may also encourage parliaments in other Member States to demand from their governments a similar right of approval.

The applications of the ‘passerelle’ clause under the Lisbon Treaty, making possible the voting transition from unanimity to qualified majority, and the special bridging clause, already give to national parliaments a right of veto.The court judgment does not, therefore, seem to have any relevance.

The flexibility clause is unlikely to be invoked and this extra brake is not likely to have any effect.

It is unclear whether the requirement of Bundesrat approval, before the list of particularly serious crimes with a cross-border dimension can be extended, will have any material effect.

The effect of the restrictions in the area of judicial cooperation in criminal matters is difficult to assess.The ‘emergency brake procedure’ does not appear to raise any serious concern.But the relevant treaty article also addresses the authorisation to proceed with enhanced cooperation.The Council has to agree unanimously that nine or more Member States can act together.Germany will require parliamentary approval before agreeing.

It needs to be emphasized that the German Constitutional Court reconfirms the Basic Law’s support for European integration and the right of the country to transfer sovereignty to the European Union. Its concern is that these transfers are democratically exercised.
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« Reply #902 on: July 07, 2009, 12:06:09 PM »





‘It was the bard wot won it.’ Will that be the historians’ judgement on Ireland’s second referendum on the Lisbon treaty, planned for early October? Will the future of Europe be decided by the voice of a poet?

In a rare and moving intervention, Ireland’s greatest living poet, Seamus Heaney, has come out plainly for a ‘yes’ to the Lisbon Treaty and raised the whole debate to a different level. Recalling a memorable even five years ago in Dublin’s Phoenix Park when Ireland’s EU presidency welcomed 10 new nations into the union, Heaney observes ‘Phoenix renewed itself, just as the Union was renewing itself and continues to need to renew itself’.

Before reading aloud the poem (Beacons at Bealtaine) that he wrote on that occasion, Heaney says, in a video clip recorded for last weekend’s launch of the new Ireland for Europe campaign, ‘there are many reasons for ratifying the Lisbon Treaty, reasons to do with our political and economic wellbeing, but the poem speaks mainly for our honour and identity as Europeans’. And then he reads his verse, which includes this great line: ‘move lips, move minds and make new meanings flare’.

This is not the kind of language we usually associate with the European debate – more’s the pity. Yet even if poets are Shelley’s ‘unacknowledged legislators’, especially in romantic fatherlands like Ireland and Poland, base material concerns will also play a large part. I am told here that the economic crisis, which has hit Ireland especially hard, seems to be one of the main reasons that public opinion has swung round in favour of the Lisbon treaty. Tough as things are, the general feeling is that it would have been even worse if Ireland had not been in the EU and the Eurozone. ‘Ireland can’t fight global economic forces on its own; in this financial storm, the EU is Ireland’s safe harbour’ is how Generation Yes, a campaign organised by young Irish pro-Europeans, puts the argument on its website.

In addition, the Irish government has now secured cast-iron assurances on many of the popular concerns that fed into last year’s ‘no’ vote: the spectres of conscription and abortion, the ring-fencing of Irish neutrality and the country’s ability to set competitive tax rates, not to mention the fact that Ireland, along with all other member states, will retain its European commissioner. Unlike last time, it looks as if there will now be a well organised nationwide, non-party ‘yes’ campaign. Ryanair's Michael O'Leary says he will join it. Next to the Fianna Fáil government, the main opposition parties, Fine Gael and Labour, will also push for yes.

Meanwhile Libertas, the vanguard of the 2008 ‘no’ campaign, has collapsed in disarray. (An Irish associate contacted its leader Decan Ganley on my behalf, to ask if we could meet to discuss the new referendum, but was told that Ganley is now concentrating on his business interests.) Beside a strange alliance of anti-capitalist hard left and anti-abortion Catholic right, Sinn Fein seems set to hold out against the treaty, with arguments about sovereignty and independence that bear a striking resemblance to those of the British Conservative party.

‘It gives the EU too much power and reduces our ability to stop decisions that are not in Ireland’s interests’ said Sinn Fein’s 2008 alternative guide to the Lisbon Treaty. ‘It gives 105 additional powers to the EU on issues such as international relations, security, trade and economic policy. And in more than 60 of these areas we will lose our right to stop laws not in our national interest’. Replace ‘Ireland’ with ‘Britain’ and reprint at Conservative Central Office. Surely Gerry Adams and David Cameron should campaign together.

Yet the organisers of the fledgling ‘yes’ campaign are far from complacent. This year, as last, the campaign could suffer from association with a rather tired and unpopular government, and an uncharismatic prime minister. In zealous observance of a controversial supreme court ruling, television and radio almost religiously give equal air time to the yes and no sides. Moreover, Irish voters have a very understandable allergy to being bullied by the rest of Europe into giving the ‘right’ answer. So we, their fellow-Europeans, have to be careful what we say and how we say it – perhaps especially if we speak with a British accent.

To be clear: what the Irish decide is entirely up to the Irish. They have as much right to say ‘no’ as the French did, and Nicolas Sarkozy should stop threatening them with dire consequences if they do. Nonetheless, I hope they will say ‘yes’. It takes an Irish poet to remind us of the essential grandeur of this project we call the European Union, where nations born in so much blood work together freely in a commonwealth of democracies. It takes only a stroll round the centre of Dublin to remind you of the lived reality behind those large phrases, with the Polish food shop sitting cheek-by-jowl with the Irish pub on Parnell Street, and with young Irish, Brits and Poles working and living together on entirely equal terms - and taking this for the most normal thing in the world. A prose of everyday life almost as moving as the poetry.

Less immediately visible is the wider context: an increasingly non-European world, shaped by rising powers like China and global threats like climate change, where even the largest European states can only hope to make a difference if we all combine forces and work together. Take Iran, for example. I have of course been watching the television footage of the repression in Tehran: those bloody individual martyrdoms once so familiar to the streets of Dublin, but now only recalled here in monuments and plaques. There, as once here, a terrible beauty is born.

I have wished I was there to bear witness. I have wondered if I could possibly write about anything else. But the truth is that there is relatively little that Europe can do in the short term to affect the outcome in Iran, beyond keeping open those channels of communication, such as the BBC Persian service, through which Iranians can talk to Iranians. Yet looking to the longer term, to write about the future of the European Union is also to write about the future of Iran. For the most important thing the Lisbon treaty does is to create the institutional machinery for a better coordinated and more effective European foreign policy. The machinery – not the thing itself. That requires the political will of sovereign member states.

In the longer run, this will also make a difference to Iran. At the moment, the EU response to the Iranian drama has been fairly well coordinated, though even now there have been some differences of public emphasis between Gordon Brown, Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy. Behind the scenes there are deeper differences of approach. These are likely to become acute if the repression continues. And this Iranian regime, with its back to the wall, will redouble its efforts to drive wedges between, say, evil Brits and potentially more ‘cooperative’ Germans, or at least to reduce us to a feeble policy of the lowest common multiple. We cannot allow this to happen. For Iran’s sake, too, phoenix must renew itself.
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« Reply #903 on: July 07, 2009, 06:18:07 PM »

High Court judge to chair Lisbon group
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2009/0708/1224250237572.html
8 July 2009




HIGH COURT judge Frank Clarke has been appointed to chair the Referendum Commission for the Lisbon Treaty referendum, which will be held in the first week of October.

The appointment of the commission was announced yesterday by Minister for the Environment John Gormley, following publication of the Referendum Bill on the 28th Amendment to the Constitution.

Mr Justice Clarke has been nominated as chair of the commission by Chief Justice John Murray. The other members of the commission are Comptroller and Auditor General John Buckley, Ombudsman Emily O’Reilly, clerk of the Dáil Kieran Coughlan, and clerk of the Seanad Deirdre Lane.

The principal function of the commission, under the terms of the Referendum Act, 1998, is to prepare a statement containing a general explanation of the subject matter of the referendum proposal on the Lisbon Treaty.

The commission is required to publish this statement and distribute it to the electorate, promote awareness of the referendum and encourage the electorate to vote.

In addition, the commission will consider and rule on applications from bodies or groups for declaration as approved bodies who may appoint agents at the referendum to be present at polling stations and at the counting of votes.

The Referendum Bill will be debated in the Dáil today and will go to the Seanad tomorrow. The date of the referendum, which is expected to be October 1st or 2nd, will be announced during the Dáil debate today.

As well as getting information about the Lisbon Treaty from the Referendum Commission, voters will also receive an explanatory leaflet from the Government on the issue.

The text of this statement was approved by the Cabinet yesterday after a briefing from Minister for Foreign Affairs Micheál Martin about its contents.

The Minister will today publish a White Paper on the Lisbon Treaty to coincide with the debate on the Referendum Bill.
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« Reply #904 on: July 07, 2009, 06:19:56 PM »

Hey Sub-X, what's your latest take on things? Is it just all according to plan or do you see something coming your way?
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« Reply #905 on: July 08, 2009, 09:53:08 AM »

Lisbon Treaty referendum to be held on October 2nd
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/breaking/2009/0708/breaking28.htm
8 July 2009




The second referendum on the Lisbon Treaty is to be held on Friday, October 2nd, Taoiseach Brian Cowen told the Dáil today.

Mr Cowen said legal guarantees granted over Irish concerns about the EU reform package paved the way for a new poll. “On that basis, I recommended to the Government that we return to the people to seek their approval for Ireland to ratify the treaty,” he said.

“That referendum will take place on October 2nd.”

Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny, whose party supports the treaty said: "I would not underestimate the strength of the feeling of confusion that is out there.

"I am not in any way led by opinions poll at this stage which indicate this is just an exercise to be gone through," Mr Kenny said.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Micheál Martin said at a press conference today that the treaty is in the best interests of the country, as he published a guide to the document.

“The government believes that this treaty is good for Ireland and good for Europe,” he said. “Our task now is to bring our case before the people.”

The vote in October follows the rejection of the treaty by the electorate last year and the securing of guarantees on issues such as neutrality, taxation and ethics last month.

Employers’ body Ibec said ratifying the treaty was now more important than ever.

“The outcome of the next referendum will define Ireland's future relationship with Europe, and therefore with the world at large. A positive result is vital to ensure that Ireland remains a constructive partner in Europe and is an essential building block on the road to economic recovery,” according to Ibec director of European affairs Brendan Butler.

Mr Butler said “a very unhelpful question mark” hung over Ireland’s relationship with the EU at a time when hundreds of people were losing their jobs.

“The last year has taught us that our future success is inextricably linked to the ambitions and interests of our partners in Europe, and to the success of Europe in the wider world. The Lisbon Treaty streamlines decision-making, gives Europe a stronger voice on the world stage and gives European citizens a greater say. It is a good deal for Ireland, and a good deal for Europe," he added.

Fine Gael's spokeswoman on European affairs Lucinda Creighton welcomed the Taoiseach's announcement of a date for the referendum and said her party would be "campaigning strenuously" for a Yes vote.

"I welcome the announcement of the date for the Lisbon referendum, and look forward to an active, positive campaign from Fine Gael over the coming months. We have between now and the October 2nd to get out and engage with the people of Ireland, and Fine Gael will be campaigning strenuously for a Yes vote in the national interest."

Roger Cole of the Peace and Neutrality Alliance said Irish people were being forced to vote again on exactly the same treaty they rejected last year. He accused the Government of rushing the legislation through the Dáil with no time given to debate the issue.

“The protocol proposed by the Fianna Fáil government changes absolutely nothing. Article 6.1 of the Irish Constitution states: All power of government, legislative, executive and judicial, derive, under God, from the people, whose right it is to designate the rulers of the state and, in final appeal, to decide all questions of national policy, according to the requirements of the common good."

”Therefore it must be open to question the constitutionality of forcing the people to vote again on exactly the same treaty since they have already given their final decision," he said.

Mr Cole is calling for a No vote in the referendum.

Chairman of the People's Movement, an anti-Lisbon treaty group, and former MEP Patricia McKenna said the Lisbon treaty was “not about EU membership”.

“Whether we voted yes or no last time the economic crisis in Ireland would be the same,” she said.

She accused the Government of conspiring with other EU Leaders to get the treaty ratified without any changes.

"Apart from the right of each Member state to hold on to their Commissioner, agreed without altering the Lisbon Treaty, nothing has changed within the text of the Lisbon Treaty itself since the last vote. The Government should be honest with the voters and tell them the truth instead of using propaganda and scare tactics about being at the heart of Europe," she said.
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« Reply #906 on: July 08, 2009, 10:06:16 AM »

Hey Sub-X, what's your latest take on things? Is it just all according to plan or do you see something coming your way?


At the moment it seems to be going according to plan though like last time the text is very confusing and most people won't understand it again,but unlike last time the Yes propaganda might have done the job and people will just Yes still not knowing what it the whole thing is all about but from hearing an over abundance of how great the treaty is.

Honestly as it stands it looks very likely that the Yes vote could be a success,sadly with the present government doing so badly in the local and European elections this might have been a promising outcome apart from in this country Lisbon is the only thing all the major parties all agree on.

With that said there is a slight glimmer of hope : Fears of Lisbon vote backlash behind 'Bord Snip' delay,this could play a major role in how people will vote come October.
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« Reply #907 on: July 08, 2009, 11:19:14 AM »


At the moment it seems to be going according to plan though like last time the text is very confusing and most people won't understand it again,but unlike last time the Yes propaganda might have done the job and people will just Yes still not knowing what it the whole thing is all about but from hearing an over abundance of how great the treaty is.

Honestly as it stands it looks very likely that the Yes vote could be a success,sadly with the present government doing so badly in the local and European elections this might have been a promising outcome apart from in this country Lisbon is the only thing all the major parties all agree on.

With that said there is a slight glimmer of hope : Fears of Lisbon vote backlash behind 'Bord Snip' delay,this could play a major role in how people will vote come October.

Thanks.
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« Reply #908 on: July 08, 2009, 12:05:35 PM »






What is the Lisbon Treaty?


The Lisbon Treaty was negotiated by the EU Member States over a six year period.  It was signed in Lisbon on 13 December 2007 by the Heads of State or Government of the 27 EU Member States.   The Treaty consists of amendments to the two main EU Treaties, the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The Irish Government played a leading role in the negotiations during the Irish Presidency of the European Union in 2004.
What are main features of the Lisbon Treaty?


The Lisbon Treaty:


    * sets out the Union’s values – including respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights including the rights of minorities;

    * defines the EU’s competences more clearly than in previous Treaties and makes it clear that competences not explicitly conferred on the Union remain with the Member States;

    * gives legal effect to the Charter of Fundamental Rights and recognises the rights, freedoms and principles set out in the Charter;

    * will allow the EU to accede to the European Convention on Human Rights;

    * allows for a citizens’ initiative under which 1 million citizens from a number of Member States can petition the European Commission on issues falling within the EU’s competence;

    * expands the right of individuals to bring proceedings before the European Court of Justice in relation to acts of the Union;

    * gives a new role in EU affairs to national parliaments including the Oireachtas.

    * increases the powers of the European Parliament, which under Lisbon will have 751 members including 12 from Ireland.  Under Lisbon, the European Parliament will legislate jointly on most EU issues with the Council of Ministers, where the Irish Government is represented alongside the governments of the other 26 EU Member States;

    * provides for the appointment of a President of the European Council who will hold office for a maximum period of 5 years and will chair four meetings of EU leaders each year; 

    * allows for more decisions to be taken by the Council of Ministers on a new double majority basis, i.e. by at least 15 EU countries representing at least 65% of the Union’s population;

    * makes changes in the conduct of the Union’s external relations including by the appointment of a High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy;

    * gives citizens the right to deal with the EU institutions in any EU language including Irish;

    * makes a number of changes to the EU Treaties in respect of border checks, asylum and immigration, judicial cooperation in civil and criminal matters and police cooperation.  Ireland is not bound by measures adopted in these areas, but can opt to be involved on a case-by-case basis; 

    * gives the European Union some new competences in such areas as energy, humanitarian aid, tourism, sport, administrative cooperation and the participation by young people in the democratic life of Europe. Climate change is also a new political objective, given expression in the Treaty on foot of a proposal by Ireland." 

    * Under an arrangement known as ‘enhanced cooperation’, the Treaty lays down the procedures for allowing a group of Member States to cooperate more deeply in certain areas of EU policy.  This arrangement does not apply in the field of common foreign and security policy.


What has happened since the June 2008 referendum?


On 12 June 2008, the people of Ireland voted not to ratify the Lisbon Treaty by 53.4% to 46.6%.  The turnout was 53%.

Since the referendum, the Irish Government has been working intensively to find a way forward that respects the decision of the Irish people as expressed in that referendum, while respecting the desire of other Member States to see the Lisbon Treaty enter into force.

Following the referendum, the Government commissioned in-depth research in order to identify the reasons behind the outcome.  The research showed that most people want Ireland to remain fully and actively involved in the EU, with 70% believing that membership is a good thing and only 8% disagreeing.  The research also illustrated that the main reason cited for voting No was a lack of information and knowledge (42%).  Of those who decided to abstain from voting, 46% did so for this reason.

A number of other issues also emerged from the research as being significant concerns for Irish voters.  These included: the composition of the European Commission; taxation; ethical issues, including abortion; security and defence issues, including conscription; and workers’ rights.

The Government also worked to establish an all-party Oireachtas Sub-Committee on Ireland’s Future in the European Union. This Committee’s report offered a realistic assessment of the challenges facing Ireland in the Union.  It concluded that Ireland’s best interests are served by remaining at the heart of the European Union.  The report recommended that the electorate’s key concerns be addressed and that public understanding of the EU be improved, with the Oireachtas playing a more active role in EU affairs.

Building on the agreement reached at the meeting of European leaders in December 2008, that, when the Lisbon Treaty enters into force, each Member State would retain a right to nominate a member of the European Commission, the European Council agreed in June 2009, to a set of legal guarantees and assurances for Ireland in the areas of key concern to Irish voters last year.

The legal guarantees cover:

    * Taxation;
    * Security and defence;
    * The articles of the Irish Constitution on the protection of the right to life, family and education.

The legal guarantees clarify that:

    * nothing in the Lisbon Treaty makes any change of any kind, for any Member State, to the extent or operation of the Union’s competences in relation to taxation;
    * the Lisbon Treaty does not affect or prejudice Ireland’s traditional policy of neutrality – it confirms that there the Lisbon Treaty does not create a European army, nor does it provide for conscription; and
    * nothing in the Lisbon Treaty or the Charter of Fundamental Rights affects in any way the scope and applicability of the provisions of the Irish Constitution relating to the protection of the right to life, family and education.

The European Council also agreed on a Solemn Declaration on workers’ rights which confirms the high importance that the Union attaches to:

    * social progress and the protection of workers' rights;
    * public services;
    * the responsibility of Member States for the delivery of education and health services;
    * the essential role and wide discretion of national, regional and local authorities in providing, commissioning and organising services of general economic interest.


What form will the legal guarantees take?

The Decision of the 27 EU Heads of States or Government agreed at the June European Council on Ireland’s legal guarantees will constitute an international agreement, which will take effect on the date of entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty.  This will be legally binding under international law and will be registered with the United Nations.

If the Lisbon Treaty is approved by all EU Member States, including by Ireland in a further referendum and subsequently enters into force, the Decision will be annexed to the Treaties at the time of the conclusion of the next accession treaty for a new Member State. Protocols form an integral part of the Treaties to which they are annexed and have the same legal status as the Treaties themselves.
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« Reply #909 on: July 08, 2009, 04:14:13 PM »


Dustin the Turkey



Dustin the Turkey, is a popular Irish television personality and star of RTÉ's The Den since 1989.[1] A "turkey vulture" with a strong Dublin accent, Dustin is part of a dynastial generation of Irish television characters and is, arguably, the most well-known of these, having achieved recognition on an intercontinental level. Dustin joined The Den with puppets Zig and Zag, but remained with the show after their 1993 departure to Channel 4. He also outlasted four human co-hosts, all of whom now have radio careers of varying degrees of success: Ian Dempsey, Ray D'Arcy, Damien McCaul and Francis Boylan Jr., making him the longest serving member of the on-screen cast of The Den and one of Ireland's popular culture's iconic figures. Throughout his career, Dustin has achieved a number of feats, including a musical career with several chart-topping singles. On 23 February 2008, Dustin won the public vote to represent Ireland at the Eurovision Song Contest 2008 with the song "Irelande Douze Pointe" but failed to progress past the first semi-final stage.[2] He was recently in London making an appearance on ITV talent contest X factor's extra show, The Xtra Factor on 22 November 2008.


Political career

Dustin has on numerous occasions declared an interest in politics. In the past, he has run campaigns for a number of presidential elections. He ran under the name 'Dustin Hoffman' in the 1997 Presidential Elections as both forename and surname were necessary to register.[citation needed] Returning Officers received votes spoiled with his name in more recent elections. He has received some support but many of the ballots supporting him were also spoiled. In his mock campaigns, he ran as a representative of "Fianna Fowl" (a play on Ireland's largest political party Fianna Fáil)[9] and also of the 'Poultry Party'. His campaign manifestos have included promising "to bring the DART to Dingle", as well as making sure every young boy in Ireland got to go on a date with the Spice Girl of their choice (later Pussycat Doll).

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dustin_the_Turkey

Dustin the Turkey - The One Show

Dusin the Turkey with Westlife - Late Late Show


Dustin is a legend in Ireland  Wink  Cheesy (Needed to add a little humor to this thread  Wink )
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« Reply #910 on: July 10, 2009, 09:25:07 AM »

For Europe, Against the EU - Vote ‘Yes’ or the economy gets it.
http://www.wiseupjournal.com/?p=997
9 July 2009




Officials are using financial threats to get the right result in the second Irish referendum on the Lisbon Treaty.

‘Any customer can have a car painted any colour that he wants so long as it is black’, declared car-maker Henry Ford a century ago. With such an attitude to consumer choice, he would surely appreciate the European Union’s shameful parody of democracy: this October, as the Irish prime minister Brian Cowen revealed yesterday, the Irish people will once again be asked to choose whether or not to ratify the de facto EU constitution known as the Lisbon Treaty. Or, as Mr Ford would have it, they will be allowed to vote any way they choose just so long as it is ‘yes’.

The Irish electorate ought to be familiar with this simulacrum of democracy, having rehearsed the charade once before. On 12 June last year, 53.4 per cent of them voted against the treaty. That is, a greater percentage of Ireland’s electorate chose to reject the Lisbon Treaty than proportion of Americans voted for Barack Obama. There is rightly no question of asking Americans to have another go in order to get the correct result. Yet, in the second Irish referendum on 2 October this year, that is exactly what the Irish are expected to do.

Of course, Irish leaders and EU officials have indulged in a little repackaging of the treaty. This, it was decided at an EU summit in June, amounts to ‘legal guarantees… that certain matters of concern [abortion, neutrality] to the Irish people’ would ‘be unaffected by the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon’ (1).

Unfortunately for those in the EU-dependent Irish establishment, hoping to show off the fruits of their hard-bargaining diplomacy, there was little real change to the treaty itself. After all, any substantial alterations would require re-ratification by other EU member states and that is not something the EU could countenance, given how unpopular the institution is in Western Europe. Little wonder that the presidency notes from the summit state that ‘[the legal guarantees] will clarify but not change either the content or the application of the Treaty of Lisbon… the text of the guarantees explicitly states that the Lisbon Treaty is not changed thereby’ (2).

Or as The Economist baldly put it: ‘The Lisbon Treaty has not changed since Irish voters decisively rejected it a year ago.’ (3) One might add that it has barely changed since the French and Dutch electorates rejected its earlier incarnation four years ago.

So, while the EU makes apparent concessions to Ireland, the Lisbon Treaty still gives the EU its own unelectable, unaccountable president, and will continue to intrude yet further into areas of policy once the preserve of national government, from security to the economy and trade. The effect is profoundly undemocratic; people are yet further estranged from decisions that, no matter how removed they seem, will continue to affect their lives. Moreover, once ratified, the EU constitution becomes self-amending, permanent. Effectively, national political elites need never ask those over whom they rule for their consent to EU governance ever again, leaving the EU to forge its policymaking, legislating path perpetually beyond the purview of the people.

Despite the talk last June of ‘respecting’ the Irish people’s decision (see  After the Irish ‘No’ vote: pathologising populism, by Frank Furedi), the European political elite seems intent on making the fecking feckless electorate go through the entire rigmarole again, presumably until they make the right decision. It is a democratic Groundhog Day of which President Mugabe would be proud.

In the eyes of the EU and its allies in national political elites, then, the demos features as little more than an obstacle to be overcome. As James Downey wrote in the Irish Independent at the time of last year’s referendum defeat, ‘All of the [‘No’ campaigners] should have been swatted away weeks ago by the forces of the establishment’. For those who work at the heart of EU, as one Brussels official felt irritated enough to reveal, the Irish people simply did not understand the bribe: ‘Ungrateful bastards. After all the money you got.’ (4)

Such coercive sentiments have persisted. Just last month as part of the star-studded but politically threadbare Ireland for Europe campaign, the poet Seamus Heaney nodded his approval: ‘There are many reasons for ratifying the Lisbon Treaty, reasons to do with our political and economic wellbeing.’ (5) While Heaney’s appeal lacked the sweary finesse of the Brussels official, his point was similar: the Lisbon Treaty is the only option if the Irish want to keep receiving money from the EU. Irish PM Brian Cowen echoed Heaney: ratifying the Lisbon Treaty was ‘intrinsically in our national interest’, he said, before alluding to the catastrophic alternative: ‘[Without EU membership] Ireland could not survive the current economic crisis.’ (6)

So there you have it. Either vote to ratify the Lisbon Treaty, or vote for the economic and political equivalent of Hell and Damnation. Which, as turkeys who choose to vote on Christmas know, is no choice at all.

Paradoxically, with yet another referendum in the offing, it can appear like a surfeit rather than a deficit of democracy. But democracy, if it is to have any content, must be more than the means through which the general will is expressed. Giving people lots of opportunities to change their minds - until they do the ‘right thing’ - is not democracy in action. For democracy is not just about reaching a decision but acting upon it; it is not just about registering votes but adhering to the aspirations that those votes express. Just as an individual’s decision is not actually a decision unless it decides a course of action - that is to say, determines an individual reality - so a decision arrived at democratically has to be allowed to determine a political reality. ‘No’ ought to have been allowed to mean ‘no’.

As the scandalous, electoral machinations of the EU, aided and abetted by their desperate supporters in the Irish elite, show, democracy is everywhere and nowhere these days. For EU officials, the demos is little more than an object of elite disdain and Mafioso-style coercion and bribery. The people can choose any future they want, so long as it is bleak.
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« Reply #911 on: July 10, 2009, 10:32:01 AM »

Treaty of Lisbon’s fortune is decided this October
http://www.baltic-course.com/eng/baltic_states/?doc=15642
10 July 2009




Almost a year ago Irish people rejected by the referendum the Treaty making a decade’s process of preparation the longest in the Communities history. After certain guarantees given to Ireland at the last month EU summit the country is ready to pave the way to further European integration.

It has been officially confirmed that Ireland will vote for a second time on the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty on October 2 (after the treaty was overwhelmingly rejected at a referendum last year). The Fianna Fáil-led government formally launched the campaign with publication of a white paper explaining the treaty, which aims to modernise the bloc's institutions and give the EU a more effective world role with the appointment of a full-time president, fully fledged EU diplomatic service and more efficient decision-making.


Guarantees

Ireland secured agreement from fellow member states at last month's EU summit on “legally binding” guarantees to ensure Irish control over tax rates, military neutrality and the Irish constitution’s provisions on social and family law – including the right to life. The summit also agreed that the guarantees would be incorporated as a protocol in the future Lisbon Treaty, as happened with other member states’ reservations, e.g. the Danish opt-out in 1992 over Maastricht rules on monetary union.

Last June 53.4% of Irish voters rejected the treaty, which turned the whole integration process at a standstill. This time an opinion poll in the country suggested that 54 per cent of those who say they intend to vote would back the treaty.

The polls say that the collapse of the economy has turned public towards the treaty, with many voters worried that another rejection would further isolate Ireland.

The Green party, junior partners in the Fianna Fáil-led coalition and traditionally opposed to EU treaties because of the moves to military integration, is to vote at a membership convention on July 18. Last time it failed to secure a necessary two-thirds majority of party membership to unite behind a single policy, leaving it to individual members to decide.

Micheál Martin, minister for foreign affairs who is also head of Fianna Fáil’s campaign, on Wednesday defended the use of public money to finance a postcard mail-shot to 1.9m homes explaining the treaty. Under strict rules governing the conduct of the referendum’s campaign, the government has to present both sides of the argument.

John Murray Brown in his report in Financial Times from Dublin (8.07.09) citing Mr. Martin’s saying: “We’re not promoting any argument here, we’re providing information. There is no advocacy in any material we are sending out on the Lisbon treaty.”

The minister told Irish radio that surveys showed that last time 46 per cent of those who abstained and a similar proportion of those who voted No did so because they did not understand the issues.

The “No” camp led by Sinn Féin, the nationalist party lost one of its main advocates when Declan Ganley, the businessman leader of the eurosceptic Libertas party, failed to get a MEP’s place in the June EP elections and announced that he was quitting politics.


Additional support is needed

Although Ireland is the only EU member state to hold a referendum on Lisbon Treaty three other states have to provide their final confirmation. The treaty has been already ratified previously in 23 member states; only three are in waiting (besides Ireland). Thus, presidents in Poland and the Czech Republic, although they have completed the parliamentary phases of the ratification, are waiting for the outcome of the Irish vote to sign final national decrees. Germany, where the constitutional court approved the treaty last month is awaiting passage of amending domestic legislation and president’s signature.
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« Reply #912 on: July 11, 2009, 03:46:42 PM »

Government will not resign if Lisbon rejected - Martin
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2009/0709/1224250317608.html
9 July 2009




THE GOVERNMENT would not resign and call a general election in the event of another rejection of the Lisbon Treaty on October 2nd, Minister for Foreign Affairs Micheál Martin has said.

Speaking at the launch of a second White Paper on the treaty at Government Buildings yesterday, he said: “The Government will not resign in terms of the outcome of this particular treaty because this is not about Government.

“This is about the future of the Irish people, and the future of Irish society within the European Union, and it transcends the Government, it transcends every political party.

“That is why I welcome the involvement of so many civic society groups in the campaign because this issue is a matter for every individual citizen to make up his or her mind as to where they want their country to be in the years to come.”

Asked if there would be renewed tensions between the main parties on the Yes side, as there were last time, he said: “We have had very good consultation with all of the parties over the last number of weeks.”

The Minister said he had even met Sinn Féin, who opposed the treaty in the last referendum. He had also met all the Independent TDs.

He said the second White Paper updated the previous version published in April last year, ahead of the first Lisbon referendum. It was intended to enhance public information and awareness of the document and the package of guarantees and assurances secured at last month’s European Council.

“It situates the Lisbon Treaty in the wider context of Ireland’s EU interests, including the importance of our EU membership as a framework for economic recovery. It explains the package of legal guarantees and assurances and how these came about.

“The White Paper sets out, in a comprehensive manner, the innovations and changes provided for under the Lisbon Treaty.

“The text sets out the broad approach taken by the Government throughout the negotiations that led to the Lisbon Treaty.”

The Minister said the White Paper was “designed to be accessible to the general reader, and it is hoped that it will facilitate serious and well-informed debate about a matter of the utmost national significance”.

“The publication of this White Paper will complement an information postcard which is being distributed this week to every household in the State and which explains, in a succinct way, the significance of the legal guarantees and assurances secured by Ireland.

“A dedicated website, www.lisbontreaty.ie, has been put in place in order to ensure that information concerning the treaty is again widely available.”

The Department of Foreign Affairs is to distribute an initial 5,000 copies of the White Paper to public representatives, libraries, citizens’ information centres, local authorities and to members of the public on request.

The cost of preparing, designing and publishing the White Paper was given as €50,000, which is to come from the department’s Lisbon Treaty information budget of €700,000.

The Minister told a press conference the budget for the Referendum Commission headed by Mr Justice Frank Clarke was €4.2 million, which represented a reduction of “about 16 per cent” since last year’s referendum.

Insisting that the White Paper and related items constituted information rather than propaganda, Mr Martin said: “The material we have provided is absolutely about information, it’s not advocacy.

“We are not asking anyone in our information to vote Yes or No, but we are providing information.

“And I think the research indicates that we need to provide information. There is an obligation on us to provide information.”

Key points

    * The Government views ratification of the Lisbon Treaty as “a vital contribution” to our economic recovery.
    * The Government was “very satisfied” with the outcome of the European Council in December 2008 and in particular with the decision that the commission should continue to include one national per member state.
    * The European Council in June 2009 “delivered fully” on the commitments made to Ireland in December 2008. The Government is “completely satisfied” with the outcome.
    * The Government considers that the legal guarantees secured at the European Council, together with the Solemn Declaration on Workers’ Rights and Social Policy, provide “strong reassurance” in respect of the key concerns that affected the outcome of the 2008 referendum.
    * The Government is also happy that our legal guarantees will in the coming years acquire full treaty status as a protocol”.
    * The Government considers that this package of guarantees provides a highly satisfactory basis for consulting the people on the Lisbon Treaty later this year.


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

This is a very shrewd move on the governments behalf,with Fianna Fail suffering historical lows in the opinion polls and the beaten they received in the local and European elections,the fear was that people would use their referendum vote as a way of getting back at the current government and voting No.By making this particular announcement basically says"Vote No but there will be no general election".

The irony of this situation is that if the No side are successful,and Lisbon is rejected once again the government will be forced into an election and their time will be up.     
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« Reply #913 on: July 12, 2009, 05:58:36 PM »

Sub-X, given the proclivity of the media and govt, to yammer and carry on a story to distract the populace; what is it that the govt up to?  Even though it is important,  they sure are making a lot of noise on this.  Is there something they are up to that we are not hearing about?
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« Reply #914 on: July 12, 2009, 06:42:22 PM »

Regrading the treaty,they arrogantly believe its a done deal,because of the shift in opinion.The recession has been thrown around in relation to how much worse off we would be have been we were not members of the EU.Nobody is saying anything about not being members of the EU,we have been since 1973.

This is really a non issue because nobody is suggesting we should leave the EU,at this particular time,the opposition is to this particular treaty and the lack of  the democratic means for the whole of EU not to voice their opinion on this treaty.For an organization that claims to stand for the enhancement of democracy,a Europe wide referendum is the very least that could be asked for,or maybe my definition of democracy is different from the MS,(this would not surprise me in the least  Wink  Grin )  

As of Friday just gone,the Irish government have taken a 9 week vacation,so on their return they will around 4 weeks for the propaganda machine to begin the spin,with polls on the treaty looking favorable as it stands,the treaty is some what of a good thing in the face of everything else thats going on in the country(nice little distraction) and to be honest,Lisbon would not be topping that list,the link below will give you an example of the countries priorities.We are in big trouble while the countries leaders by now wearing their Speedos and sunning their freckled arses  Wink with the right noise from Europe when the campaign begins,they could very well seal the deal,though we won't know for sure until October 3rd.

http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=117905.msg731275#msg731275

Though while the opposition parties appose everything else the government is doing,bar Sinn Fein and some independents this is the only issue they do agree on.With poets,footballers,musicians and just about every celebrity hack(and Irish show business is full of them) they can drag up supporting the treaty,proves they have pulled out the big guns,because we all know the story about celebrity worship  Roll Eyes  
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« Reply #915 on: July 13, 2009, 10:51:01 AM »

Czech senators to challenge Lisbon treaty again in two weeks
http://praguemonitor.com/2009/07/13/czech-senators-challenge-lisbon-treaty-again-two-weeks
13 July 2009



The Lisbon treaty opponents from among Czech senators are completing their constitutional complaint against the document, one of them, Jiri Oberfalzer, told Czech Radio (CRo) Friday, adding that the complaint might be lodged with the Constitutional Court in the first half of August.

Oberfalzer (Civic Democrats, ODS) said that the required 17 senators have joined the initiative and several others are ready as "a reserve."

To take effect, the Lisbon treaty reforming the EU institutions need to be ratified by all EU member states. In Germany, the Czech Republic and Poland it has been approved by parliaments but it is yet to be signed by the heads of state.

Czech President Vaclav Klaus recently said he wants to be the last in Europe to decide on his position. He wants to wait for the results of the Irish referendum and for the Czech Constitutional Court verdict.

Some Czech politicians have shown displeasure at Klaus's approach. Social Democrat (CSSD) senator Alena Gajduskova previously said that the Lisbon treaty advocates would use constitutional methods to change Klaus's position if he refused to sign the treaty.

Former Czech Constitutional Court judge Vojtech Cepl some time ago said that if he were to deal with the senators' planned complaint, he would right reject it as unsubstantiated because the court had already discussed the treaty's compatibility with the Czech constitution last November.

The judges then found no discrepancies between the Lisbon treaty and the Czech constitutional order. However, they discussed only some of the treaty's provisions challenged by senators.
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« Reply #916 on: July 13, 2009, 12:54:14 PM »

Main tasks facing European Parliament
http://www.reuters.com/article/latestCrisis/idUSLD708719
13 July 2009




The European Parliament holds its first session on Tuesday since an election in June.

The parliament has three main roles -- passing European laws, democratic supervision of the other European Union institutions and exercising authority, with the Council of EU leaders, over the Union's budget.

The parliament shares power equally with the Council on about two-thirds of proposals for EU legislation under a procedure known as co-decision. In some fields, such as agriculture, economic policy, visas and immigration, the Council alone legislates but must consult the parliament.

The EU's annual budget is decided jointly by the parliament and Council, and a parliamentary committee monitors how the budget is spent.

Here are some the main tasks facing the parliament:


FINANCIAL REGULATION


Tightening regulation of the financial system to help prevent another global economic crisis is a priority for EU leaders. The parliament has already passed laws capping the amount one bank can lend to another bank at 25 percent of the bank's own capital and requiring banks to retain at least 5 percent of any high-risk securities they sell.

The executive European Commission is proposing a series of pan-EU bodies to oversee systemic risk and improve monitoring -- Britain has signalled its concerns but a draft law is due in late 2009. A separate draft law on supervision of hedge funds and more proposals for rules on banking capital requirements are also expected to go before the assembly.

The make-up of the assembly after the election will determine how it balances the potentially competing demands of tighter regulation with encouraging competition and innovation.

ENDORSING THE EU'S NEW POWER-BROKERS


The parliament, the only major EU institution that is directly elected, will have the final say in the make-up of the next European Commission and, if the Lisbon reform treaty comes into force, on the new roles of EU president and EU foreign policy chief.

While horse-trading among EU capitals usually determines the Commission president and the make-up of his or her team, the parliament is not afraid to reject the choices -- as it did in a 2004 row over comments made on homosexuality by an Italian nominee, the conservative Rocco Buttiglione.

The parliament veto forced EU Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso to propose a rejigged Commission without Buttiglione. It has delayed a vote of approval on Barroso's appointment for a new term until September at the earliest.

The assembly will be sure to pore closely over the choices of the two new Lisbon treaty posts. The holders of these posts could become the two EU faces most visible to the world.

THE EU BUDGET


EU governments will start debating next year an overhaul of the bloc's 125-billion-euro annual budget, expected to shift much spending away from agriculture towards research and innovation and change the way EU revenues are collected.

The parliament will have an advisory role in the talks, which have to be concluded by unanimity among governments before the end of the current long-term budget in 2013.

But once a general, political deal on the next multi-annual budget is translated into draft legislation, the parliament would be allowed to propose amendments without changing the general architecture of the deal.

If the Lisbon treaty takes effect, the parliament will have more say on spending levels on various areas in annual budgets.

ENVIRONMENT

While international efforts to find a successor to the Kyoto Protocol on global warming are now largely in the hands of national governments, the European Parliament will use its voice to try to ensure European leaders do not water down EU commitments to lead the world in cutting harmful emissions.

They will also help draft rules this year and next to curb fast-growing emissions from the EU transport sector, especially vans and trucks, and will help set ambitious new energy efficiency targets for new buildings.

UNCHARTERED TERRITORY

If the Lisbon treaty is ratified by all member states, it will give the European Parliament important powers covering the vast bulk of EU legislation. Although some areas such as defence and foreign policy will remain largely sacrosanct, the assembly will for the first time have an important say in EU legislation in the delicate area of justice and security policy -- although Denmark, Ireland and Britain have secured opt-outs from pan-EU action in these areas.

The Parliament would also have to endorse any EU trade deals and would have new powers in setting EU agriculture policy, one of the most sensitive areas of the bloc's activities.
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« Reply #917 on: July 13, 2009, 07:51:52 PM »

Ireland's Troubles Suggest "Yes" For Oct 2 EU Treaty
http://online.wsj.com/article/BT-CO-20090708-710675.html
8 July 2009




 DUBLIN (Dow Jones)--Ireland's deepening recession is likely to rally a fearful public to support most political parties and vote "yes" in the second referendum on the European Union's Lisbon Treaty scheduled for Oct. 2, observers said.

Prime Minister Brian Cowen announced the date for a second referendum Wednesday, despite saying after the rejected first referendum last year: "In a democracy the will of the people as expressed in the ballot box is sovereign."

Since then, Cowen has spent months negotiating guarantees for Ireland. "I recommended to the government that we return to the people to seek their approval for Ireland to ratify the treaty," he told the Irish parliament.

Ireland was the only member of the 27-nation bloc to hold a referendum on the treaty, with voters rejecting it in June 2008 by 53.4% to 46.6%, throwing the future of the European project into doubt.

The E.U. told Ireland it wouldn't renegotiate the treaty, so instead it added protocols clarifying Ireland's neutrality, independence on taxation and right to keep its own E.U. Commissioner - not full-scale amendments.

However, some anti-Lisbon campaign groups say the changes aren't enough. "The Lisbon Treaty is exactly the same as the treaty rejected by the Irish people last year," said Roger Cole, chairman of the Peace & Neutrality Alliance.

"The Fianna Fail government is rushing legislation through the parliament with virtually no time given over to debate to ensure the Irish people are forced to vote again on exactly the same treaty," he said.


Cole said the protocols don't go far enough and cited the final text of the E.U. Council: "Protocol will clarify but not change either the content or the application of the treaty of Lisbon."

But Ireland's economic crisis has struck fear into the hearts of many people old enough to remember the unhappy, belt-tightening 1980s, characterized by double-digit unemployment and mass emigration. Economists see Irish unemployment hitting 17% at the end of 2010 from 10.2% currently.

This small, open economy was the first in the euro zone to slide into recession and will be the worst-performing in the currency area this year, with the E.U. predicting Ireland's gross domestic product will contract by 9.0% in 2009.

These forecasts are a painful reminder of a time when the E.U. was a net contributor to this country, once the poor man of the Europe.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Micheal Martin told a press conference Wednesday: "The government believes that this treaty is good for Ireland and good for Europe. Our task now is to bring our case before the people."

Unlike the failed E.U. constitution it was designed to replace, the Lisbon Treaty is a series of complicated and bureaucratic amendments with no narrative, so the government has already sent out explanatory leaflets to households.

Last time around, the government was criticized for launching its campaign after the anti-Lisbon group Libertas was already out of the blocks; one poll said 42% of people voted "no" because of a lack of knowledge of the issues.

Since Ireland joined the E.U. in 1973, it has gone from one of the poorest members to third place in per-capita purchasing power. Some commentators said rejection of Lisbon showed the Irish have a short memory.

The Celtic Tiger of the 1990s saw double-digit economic growth, near-full employment for the first time in the country's history and a booming construction sector that came to a virtual halt with the worldwide credit crunch.

After famine and poverty dating back to the 1800s prompted an exodus that cut its population in half to just 4.1 million today, the government in recent years welcomed more than 160,000 immigrants from all over the world, some of whom have returned home.

Alan McQuaid, chief economist at Bloxham Stockbrokers, said that Irish people are beginning to see the advantages of staying at the heart of Europe and that he believes there will be a change of heart in favor of Lisbon this time around.

"People who vote no are taking a huge risk," he said. "We're not Norway with huge oil and gas reserves. If it wasn't for the support of the ECB, which is effectively funding this country, we'd be in even bigger trouble."
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“If you strike at,imprison,or kill us,out of our prisons or graves we will still evoke a spirit that will thwart you,and perhaps,raise a force that will destroy you! We defy you! Do your worst!”-James Connolly 1909


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« Reply #918 on: July 13, 2009, 07:54:15 PM »

amazing shit
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« Reply #919 on: July 13, 2009, 08:01:22 PM »

I amazed that so many countries believe that oil reserves will make your an economic stability.  America has tons of oil reserves many untapped.  Look at our economy!

I take great exception to those that say the those who had voted 'no' didn't know what it was about.  It was like 'they just don't get it, do they?'  Suggesting a a lack of comprehension rather than lack of agreement to the terms. 

With America's new anti hate speech bill those who would say such a thing would be guilty of hate crime. 
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