Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]

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Offline Okinawa

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Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« on: November 20, 2009, 05:19:48 PM »
Friday, Nov. 20, 2009
Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light
By ERIC JOHNSTON, Staff writer

OSAKA — Decades since Washington and Tokyo reportedly crafted secret agreements to allow U.S. nuclear weapons in Japanese territory, declassified documents from the U.S. detailing its nuclear presence in Okinawa and elsewhere in Japan during the postwar period are slowly coming to light.

The move is creating headaches for both countries as they grapple over military bases in Okinawa and the future structure of the alliance.

The documents, some dating to the late 1950s, were publicly released by the National Security Archives at George Washington University in mid-October, not long after Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada called for an investigation into four alleged secret pacts, including allowing ships and aircraft carrying nuclear arms into Japanese territory.

The Japanese government has repeatedly denied the existence of any secret agreements. A panel of Foreign Ministry officials appointed to look into the matter is expected to issue a report by the end of the year. But disclosure of the report may be postponed until early next year, Okada said Wednesday.

In addition to the secret agreement on stopovers by vessels and planes carrying nuclear weapons, the panel will seek to confirm three other pacts.

The veiled documents include an agreement for Japan to shoulder $4 million of the cost of Okinawa's reversion to Japan, an accord to allow nuclear weapons to enter Okinawa during emergencies and the use of U.S. bases in Japan in the event of a crisis on the Korean Peninsula.

On Oct. 13, the National Security Archives, which catalogs declassified U.S. government documents and posts them on its Web site, released a series of formerly top secret cables, communiques and background papers on U.S. nuclear weapons policy in Okinawa and Japan from the late 1950s until 1972.

The documents show the extent to which officials from both countries worked to deceive the Japanese public during the height of the Cold War.

For example, an April 4, 1963, cable sent by U.S. Ambassador Edwin O. Reischauer to Washington about a meeting with Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira notes Ohira apparently agreed that the introduction of atomic weapons into Japan did not include nuclear arms on U.S. naval ships in Japanese waters.

"I took occasion to make clear significance of our sticking to word 'introduce,' as implying placing or installing on Japanese soil, and our previous assumption that Japanese had been intending to achieve same effect by their use of word 'mochikomu.' Ohira then remarked that under this interpretation, 'introduce' would not, repeat, not apply to hypothetical case of nuclears (sic) on vessel in Japanese waters or port, and I agreed. He then said that while Japanese had not, repeat, not in past used mochikomu with consciousness of this restricted sense, they would so use it in future," Reischauer said.

When Japan's three nonnuclear principles of never possessing, producing or allowing nuclear weapons into the country were announced several years later under Prime Minister Eisaku Sato, the words "introduce" in English and "mochikomu" in Japanese were used.

The U.S. was aware of the political fallout in Japan should word of nuclear weapons transiting the country become public. On Jan. 19, 1972, Winston Lord of the State Department's Policy Planning Staff sent the following message to other State Department officials:

"The GOJ now maintains in public that it is unaware of U.S. nuclear transit visits, and would refuse permission for such visits if we should request them. Therefore, if current transit practices were publicly exposed in an authoritative manner, the consequences would surely include:
(1) the fall of the Japanese government;
(2) enhancement of the credibility of those Opposition leaders most hostile to U.S.-Japan defense cooperation;
(3) a corresponding loss of credibility by Japanese officials that have defended U.S.-Japanese security cooperation in the past;
(4) massive doubts about U.S. respect for basic Japanese principles."


The transit of nuclear weapons in and around Japan became a huge concern when the carrier USS Ticonderoga, en route from Vietnam to Yokosuka, Kanagawa Prefecture, suffered an accident involving a nuclear weapon on Dec. 5, 1965. An A-4E aircraft loaded with a 1-megaton B43 hydrogen bomb rolled off the carrier with the weapon and pilot aboard and sank in 5,000 meters of water.

The accident was kept secret until 1981, when the Defense Department acknowledged it had taken place, but initially said it occurred more than 800 km from land. However, U.S. Navy documents show the accident occurred about 128 km from Kikaijima in the Ryukyu Island chain.

It is believed the bomb was never retrieved.


No single entry in the newly declassified documents clearly constitutes a smoking gun for U.S. nukes in Okinawa after 1972, when the prefecture was returned to Japan. The documents do suggest, however, that Washington had considered it necessary to place nuclear weapons in the prefecture beyond the reversion.

On April 28, 1969, in a top-secret memo, the U.S. National Security Council outlined key bilateral issues for the Nixon administration, which had just taken office.

On Okinawa's reversion, it noted there were a couple of issues: "Denial of our present nuclear rights on Okinawa would necessarily impact upon both the capability and the credibility of the U.S. forward-deployed nuclear deterrent."

Prime evidence for the existence of such an agreement can be found in "Tasaku Nakarishi wo Shinzemu to Hossu" ("The Best Course Available"), the memoirs of Kei Wakaizumi, a former diplomat who said he arranged the agreement along with Henry Kissinger, Richard Nixon's national security adviser at the time.

Wakaizumi, who passed away in 1996, originally published the book in 1994, but few people apart from diplomatic historians took notice.

An updated version appeared after the Democratic Party of Japan took office in September. In it, Wakaizumi introduced what he said was a top secret minute to a joint communique signed between Prime Minister Sato and Nixon on Nov. 21, 1969.

"As stated in our Joint Communique, it is the intention of the United States Government to remove all the nuclear weapons from Okinawa by the time of actual reversion of the administrative rights to Japan; and thereafter the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security and its related arrangements will apply to Okinawa, as described in the Joint Communique.

"However, in order to discharge effectively the international obligations assumed by the United States for the defense of countries in the Far East including Japan, in time of great emergency the United States Government will require the re-entry of nuclear weapons and transit rights in Okinawa with prior consultation with the Government of Japan. The United States Government would anticipate a favorable response. The United States Government also requires the standby retention and activation in time of great emergency of existing nuclear storage locations in Okinawa: Kadena, Naha, Henoko, and Nike Hercules units.

"The Government of Japan, appreciating the United States Government's requirements in time of great emergency as stated above by the President, will meet these requirements without delay when such prior consultation takes place. The President and the Prime Minister agreed that this Minute, in duplicate, be kept each only in the offices of the President and the Prime Minister and be treated in the strictest confidence between only the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Japan."

Over the past several months, U.S. officials have said that all documents related to the question of U.S. nukes speak for themselves. But as the National Security Archives notes, many documents remain classified. Whether they become public, and whether they further prove or disprove the existence of a secret agreement, is no longer a matter of interest to history but to current politics.
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

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Offline Okinawa

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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #1 on: November 29, 2009, 07:35:00 PM »
Retired diplomat to testify on secret pact: Ex-bureaucrat, 91, set to tell court of Okinawa reversion deal http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20091130a1.html
Monday, Nov. 30, 2009
Kyodo News

A former senior Foreign Ministry official will testify Tuesday before the Tokyo District Court about state documents that plaintiffs argue indicate the existence of a secret Japan-U.S. pact about cost burdens for the 1972 reversion of Okinawa to Japan.

Although successive administrations of the now-ousted Liberal Democratic Party consistently denied the secret pact existed, 91-year-old Bunroku Yoshino, the ministry's former American Bureau chief who was one of Japan's negotiators for the reversion, has claimed otherwise.

The documents include one that is supposed to indicate that Japan secretly shouldered $4 million in costs on behalf of the United States to restore Okinawa farmland used by the U.S. military.

Presiding Judge Norihiko Sugihara summoned Yoshino to appear in court in October. The summons had to be approved by the Foreign Ministry based on a provision in the code of civil procedure pertaining to questions to a witness involving secrets handled as part of diplomatic work.

Yoshino's testimony is expected to give impetus to moves to disclose other secret pacts, particularly one in which Japan allegedly turned a blind eye to stopovers by nuclear-armed U.S. vessels and aircraft — an agreement that goes against the nation's three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, developing or permitting the entry of nuclear weapons.

Those pacts are now under investigation by a Foreign Ministry team after the Democratic Party of Japan came to power in the August general election by ousting the long-ruling LDP.

One of the plaintiffs, former Mainichi Shimbun reporter Takichi Nishiyama, 78, is seeking to clear his name. He was convicted in the 1970s of arranging for a female Foreign Ministry bureaucrat to hand over classified documents about the negotiation process behind the reversion of Okinawa.

In an earlier trial involving Nishiyama, Yoshino testified for the prosecution, denying the existence of the secret documents. He made similar denials in the Diet.

But in court Tuesday, Yoshino will testify on behalf of the plaintiffs, standing by Nishiyama nearly four decades after testifying against his claims.

Yoshino apparently changed his position after the United States between 2000 and 2002 declassified official documents that included secret pacts with Japan regarding the Okinawa reversion.


In April 2005, Nishiyama filed a damages suit with the Tokyo District Court, claiming his career as a reporter was ruined by the conviction. The suit was rejected by the Supreme Court in September 2008 without referring to whether the pact existed.

Yoshino meanwhile began featuring in media reports in 2006 — while Nishiyama was still pursuing damages. Yoshino admitted the secret pact existed and said the initials "B.Y." on related documents were his.

The latest litigation was brought by 25 plaintiffs, including Nishiyama, in March. They are demanding that the government disclose documents pertaining to the alleged secret pacts based on the people's right to know.

"The significance of the latest trial is that it demonstrates we will continue to pursue this issue," Nishiyama said recently.

"Mr. Yoshino will appear as a sworn witness in court. It's different from appearing in the media. (In court) he could face a perjury charge," Nishiyama said, adding the retired bureaucrat's testimony carries "very important meaning as it will be tantamount to an assertion that the government has lied about the secret pact."

Yoshino said he now wants to reveal the truth because the United States has disclosed the official documents for the secret pacts, and there have been several publications on the issue released in Japan.

"There is no doubt that I signed those official documents and they are authentic documents. All the records are there, so I believe nothing should be hidden any longer," he added.

Yoshino said had he admitted the existence of the secret pact before Okinawa was finally returned to Japanese sovereignty from the United States on May 15, 1972, the reversion "would have undoubtedly been broken off."
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

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Offline Okinawa

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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #2 on: December 23, 2009, 01:30:30 PM »
Paper on secret nuke pact kept by Sato family http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20091223a2.html
Wednesday, Dec. 23, 2009
Kyodo News

A document on a secret Japan-U.S. pact signed by Prime Minister Eisaku Sato and President Richard Nixon in 1969 allowing the United States to introduce nuclear weapons into Okinawa in the event of an emergency has been kept by the Sato family, a close relative disclosed Tuesday.

If the document is genuine, it would put an end to debate over the existence of the secret pact, which has long been denied by the Foreign Ministry.

It would also influence the ongoing probe by a third-party panel set up by the Foreign Ministry to look into nuclear deals between the two countries.

According to Shinji Sato, the former prime minister's son and a former transport minister, the document records the minutes of a secret conversation between Sato and Nixon during a meeting in November 1969, when the two countries were negotiating the return of Okinawa to Japan.

Shinji Sato said the document indicates that during this meeting, the two sides agreed that with prior consultation the U.S. could bring nuclear weapons into Okinawa in the event of a crisis in Japan or elsewhere in East Asia.

According to him, both parties also agreed to classify this document and keep it only in the White House and the prime minister's office.

He said the document was originally found in 1987, when Hiroko Sato, the wife of Eisaku Sato, died and the family was organizing belongings at their home in Daizawa in Setagaya Ward, Tokyo. The family has kept the document since then, Shinji Sato said.

The existence of the document was noted in a book by a scholar of international politics but had not been publicly confirmed.

Eisaku Sato won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1974 for his three-point nonnuclear principles — not possessing, producing or allowing nuclear weapons to enter Japan.

But the document proves he violated the stated defense policy of Japan, according to his son. A number of statements of former diplomats have strongly indicated the pact did exist, despite the Foreign Ministry's official denials.
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

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Offline Okinawa

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Japan Report: Private Agreements Allowed US to Bring Nukes
« Reply #3 on: March 10, 2010, 08:55:30 PM »
Japan Report: Private Agreements Allowed US to Bring Nukes
http://news.antiwar.com/2010/03/09/japan-report-private-agreements-allowed-us-to-bring-nukes/
State Department Shrugs Off Reports, Pentagon Declines Comment
by Jason Ditz, March 09, 2010

Following through on a pledged investigation into “secret agreements” made by the previous government, Japan today issued a report revealing that the Liberal Democratic Party governments violated the nation’s official bans and allowed the United States to transport and even store nuclear weapons on Japanese soil.

Not long after taking power last year, the Democratic Party of Japan revealed that they had found documents proving that their predecessors had signed secret deals with the United States as early as 1960 regarding nuclear weapons. The announcement came with the pledge of a full report.

Rumors of the deal, a flagrant violation of Japan’s non-nuclear stance since it was attacked with nuclear weapons in 1945, have been long-standing, but the LDP governments had repeatedly denied that any such deal existed. It is unclear what, if any, legal ramifications those who were in power at the time might face, but the current government is likely to gain big from uncovering it.

The US State Department downplayed the possibility that it might have any impact on US-Japan relations, saying they had lived up to their end of the treaties. This does appear to be the case, though they had to know at the time that the treaties were illegal under Japanese law. The Pentagon, for its part, refused to comment at all, saying that they don’t discuss specific nuclear weapons movements.
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

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Offline Okinawa

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NHK DOCUMENTARY: U.S. NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND OKINAWA
« Reply #4 on: March 10, 2010, 09:00:10 PM »
REVELATIONS IN NEWLY RELEASED DOCUMENTS ABOUT U.S. NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND OKINAWA FUEL NHK DOCUMENTARY
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/japan/okinawa/okinawa.htm
MAY 14, 1997
Contact: Dr. Robert A. Wampler
202-994-7237; 202-994-7005 (FAX)
E-mail: wampler@gwis2.circ.gwu.edu

The National Security Archive is today releasing on its World Wide Web site a set of recently-declassified U.S. documents obtained by Dr. Robert Wampler, Director of the Archive's U.S.-Japan Project, which shed important new light upon the role Okinawa and U.S. military bases on that island have played in U.S.-Japanese relations and American strategy in the Pacific. These documents were in part the basis for a documentary entitled "The Truth About the Okinawan Reversion After 25 Years: The Role of U.S. Bases as Shown in Classified Documents." NHK-Japan Broadcasting aired the documentary on its "Close-Up: Gendai" news program on the evening of May 14th (JST).

By far the most important and news-worthy of the documents are those which relate to NSSM 5, the National Security Council study produced in the spring of 1969 which analyzed the U.S. objectives and negotiating position on Okinawan reversion, with particular attention given to the question of the future of U.S. nuclear weapons based on the island. The documents relating to this report are:

[Go to the above link to access the following documents]

(1) Memorandum, Ambassador Brown to Secretary Rogers, 4/29/69, Subject: NSC Meeting April 30 - Policy Toward Japan: Briefing Memorandum (Secret), with attached -

(2) Memorandum, Davis to Office of the Vice President, etc., 4/29/69, Subject: U.S.-Japanese Relationship: Summary (Top Secret), with attached

(3) NSSM 5 - Japan, Table of Contents and Part III: Okinawa Reversion (Secret)

(4) NSDM 13: Policy Toward Japan, 5/28/69

(5) Memorandum of Conversation, Nixon/Sato, 11/19/69 (Top Secret/Sensitive)

Documents 1-3 were originally marked by State Department reviewers as to remain secret "until expiration of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty." These documents provide a detailed discussion of the issues surrounding U.S. nuclear weapons in Okinawa and their fate following reversion, and makes recommendations as to the position the U.S. government should take in negotiations with Japan on this issue. Page 2 of the first document and pages 2-3 of the second one provide an overview of the issues, based on the more detailed discussion found in the attached NSSM 5 extract. This extract can only be found in one place, an obscure State Department record collection which Dr. Wampler discovered at the U.S. National Archives. The National Security Council had previously denied release of the material found in document No. 3, including even the descriptive information found on the table of contents. Dr. Wampler noted that Document No. 3 contains "a detailed discussion of U.S. military rights and interests regarding nuclear weapons on Okinawa, in terms of nuclear storage and freedom for nuclear operations in the Pacific and Asia. Until now, both Washington and Tokyo have maintained a veil of secrecy wrapped in refusals to comment on these subjects." (see pages 21-26 of Document No. 3) Of especial importance, Dr. Wampler notes, is the statement on page 25 under '(4) Only Transit Rights for Nuclear Armed Planes and Ships': "Japan now acquiesces in transit by naval vessels armed with nuclear weapons. This right would automatically extend to Okinawa. (This is sensitive and closely held information)." [emphasis added]

The policy paper which resulted from this analysis and the ensuing discussion within the U.S. government is Document No. 4: NSDM 13: Policy Toward Japan, dated May 28, 1969. Document No. 5 records President Nixon's meeting with Prime Minister Sato on November 19, 1969 at the White House during which they discussed these issues. This record is similar to the account which appeared in the memoirs of the late Prof. Kei Wakaizumi, Sato's secret emissary who conducted negotiations on Okinawa with Henry Kissinger, Nixon's National Security Advisor. lending credence to Wakaizumi's claims that a secret arrangement on the emergency reintroduction of nuclear weapons into Okinawa following reversion was part of the Okinawa agreement.

The other documents which NHK is highlighting in its documentary and reports are:

(6) Memorandum of Conversation, Rusk/Sato, 1/13/65, Subject: U.S.-Japan Relations and Related World Problems (Secret)

(7) Senior Interdepartmental Group Memorandum, 6/6/66, with attached paper, "Our Ryukyus Bases"

(8) Memorandum of Conversation, William Bundy/Japanese Ambassador Shimoda, 7/10/67, Subject: Okinawa and the Bonin Islands (Secret/Exdis/Need to Know)

(9) Memorandum JCSM-406-67, JCS Chairman Wheeler to Secretary of Defense McNamara, 7/20/67, Subject: Future Use of Ryukuan Bases (Top Secret)

(10) Memorandum for the Secretary of Defense, 8/7/67, Subject: Reversion of Okinawa and the Bonins (Top Secret)

(11) Memorandum of Conversation, Rusk/Sato, 11/15/67, Subject: Ryukyus and Bonins (Secret/Exdis)

(12) Memorandum, Sneider to Bundy, 12/24/68, Subject: Trip Report: Okinawan Reversion on the Front Burner (Secret/Exdis) with attached memoranda: Japan-Okinawa-Short Term, and Japan-Okinawa Reversion

(13) State Department Cable Tokyo 212, American Embassy Tokyo to Secretary of State, 1/11/69, subject: Ambassador Johnson/Foreign Minister Aichi discussion re Okinawa.

All of these documents provide new insights into U.S. interests and policy objectives with regard to the military importance of Okinawa and how to mesh U.S. military requirements with the political problems created for U.S.-Japanese relations by the continued U.S. presence on the island, and in particular by the nuclear role played by these forces. "These are records of particularly high-level discussions between U.S. and Japanese officials and leaders," Dr. Wampler emphasized, "giving a unique perspective on how these issues were being managed at the highest levels as both governments struggled with the dilemma posed by Okinawa, a dilemma which still bedevils the alliance."

The National Security Archive,
The Gelman Library, George Washington University
2130 H Street, NW, Suite 701, Washington, DC 20037
Phone: 202-994-7000 / Fax: 202-994-7005
Internet: nsarchiv@gwis2.circ.gwu.edu
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

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Offline Okinawa

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Hibakusha denounce secret Japan-U.S. pacts regarding nuclear weapons
« Reply #5 on: March 11, 2010, 06:42:39 AM »
Hibakusha denounce secret pacts
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20100311a4.html
Thursday, March 11, 2010

HIROSHIMA (Kyodo) Hiroshima and Nagasaki reacted fiercely Tuesday to a government-appointed panel's confirmation of secret Japan-U.S. pacts, including one apparently granting tacit approval of nuclear weapons being brought into the country.

"As the government of the only country to have suffered atomic bombings, I must say it is pathetic. The state must apologize to the people for lying to them," said Sunao Tsuboi, head of the Hiroshima chapter of the Japan Confederation of A- and H-Bomb Sufferers Organization, known as Nihon Hidankyo.

"How did previous prime ministers dare to come to peace memorial ceremonies on Aug. 6?" he asked, while expressing hope that Japan's three nonnuclear principles will be made into law.

Hiroshima Gov. Hidehiko Yuzaki released a statement saying it would be "extremely regrettable" if the nonnuclear principles forbidding the possession, manufacture or introduction of nuclear weapons in the country had been contravened.

"We strongly demand that the state abide by the principles as a national creed and work harder toward nuclear abolition," he said.

Nagasaki Mayor Tomihisa Taue said the government has cheated atomic-bomb survivors by concealing the secret pacts.
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

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Japan must correct inconsistency in non-nuclear principles
« Reply #6 on: March 11, 2010, 02:09:14 PM »
Japan must correct inconsistency in non-nuclear principles
http://www.japantoday.com/category/commentary/view/japan-must-correct-inconsistency-in-non-nuclear-principles
TOKYO —

Confirming the existence of a secret Japan-U.S. pact that led Tokyo to allow nuclear-armed U.S. vessels to visit Japanese ports was the first challenge that Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada tackled after assuming his post in September.

But acknowledging the existence of the Cold War agreement has exposed the current government to the potentially difficult task of reconciling the contradiction between the pact and Japan’s self-imposed principle of not allowing nuclear weapons in the country.
   
‘‘It’s rather easy for the current government to admit that past governments lied to the public by denying the existence of such a pact,’’ said Toshikazu Inoue, a Gakushuin University professor specializing in Japan’s diplomatic history. ‘‘The tough question comes hereafter—what kind of security policy and alliance with the United States does Japan envision now?’‘
   
‘‘The ruling Democratic Party of Japan has to explain that to the people. So this is just a starting point,’’ he said.
   
While relying on U.S. nuclear weapons for protection, Japan, as the only country to have suffered atomic bombings, has maintained since 1967 the three non-nuclear principles of not possessing, not producing and not allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan.
   
It has also said port calls and passage in Japanese waters by U.S. nuclear-armed vessels would be subject to a ‘‘prior consultation’’ process with the United States.
   
But a study by a Foreign Ministry panel, convened following the historic change of government in September, concluded that a bilateral ‘‘tacit agreement’’ was reached in the 1960s, effectively leading Tokyo to allow U.S. vessels carrying nuclear weapons to make port calls without prior consultation.
   
In discussing the contradictory policies, Okada said the secret pact effectively became inoperative, as the United States vowed after the Cold War to cease carrying tactical weapons on its ships.
   
‘‘Given the change in U.S. nuclear policy, I think this issue would not be a concrete problem now,’’ Okada told a press conference after receiving the panel’s report, while renewing Japan’s commitment to stick to the non-nuclear principles and denying any intention to review them.
   
But it remains uncertain whether such a logic would apply in an emergency situation as there is still strong support among foreign and defense officials for Japan to keep open the option of allowing nuclear weapons into its territory at such a time.
   
‘‘The three non-nuclear principles are not law,’’ a senior Foreign Ministry official said, possibly indicating that the option of another new ‘‘secret agreement’’ remains open.
   
In addition, the panel noted in its report that it is unknown what would happen if the United States reversed its withdrawal of tactical nuclear weapons.
   
Okada only said such a thing is unlikely in the future because he thinks the United States will depend less on nuclear weapons.
   
The secret nuclear pact started to take shape amid negotiations for the revision of the Japan-U.S. security treaty in 1960, which was seen as strongly weighted against the Japanese side, according to the report.
   
What was especially important for Japan in the negotiations was to ‘‘gain a say’’ on the introduction of nuclear arms, given the strong public sentiment against nuclear weapons.
   
As a result, the revised security treaty, which took effect, installed a system requiring the United States to consult with Japan before introducing nuclear weapons into Japan.
 
But whether port calls by U.S. nuclear-armed vessels would be subject to prior consultation was ambiguous at the time, leading to a ‘‘tacit agreement’’ to leave the sensitive issue as it was to ensure the smooth operation of the alliance, the report noted.
   
‘‘The United States presumably continued to make port calls without prior consultation (based on its own interpretation),’’ it said.
   
Inoue said, ‘‘Secret pacts between the two countries were reached because they tried to pretend that they were equal, even though their relationship was that of the winner and loser (in World War II).’‘
   
As for what the current government can do to resolve the contradiction, the professor proposed starting a dialogue with the United States about which cases require prior consultation and making the system ‘‘substantially functional.’’ Under past governments led by the Liberal Democratic Party, prior consultation never took place.
   
But a tough road apparently lies ahead for realizing such a move, as Tokyo would have to convince Washington that Japan is ‘‘a country essential for security’’ in East Asia and is contributing to global security issues such as in Afghanistan and the Middle East, according to Inoue.
   
Meanwhile, some peace activists expressed hope that the latest development regarding the secret pact would lead Japan to further contribute to the worldwide momentum toward nuclear disarmament, welcoming that Okada made clear Japan would not allow the ‘‘introduction’’ of nuclear weapons, including port calls by nuclear-armed vessels.
   
‘‘This could be a powerful message to support U.S. President Barack Obama’s initiative of seeking a world without nuclear weapons, while giving us a reason to refuse moves that goes against (our interpretation of ‘introduction’),’’ said Akira Kawasaki, who served as adviser to an international panel on nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament as a nongovernmental organization member.
   
The international panel, headed by former foreign ministers Yoriko Kawaguchi of Japan and Gareth Evans of Australia, issued a report in December presenting a comprehensive agenda for nuclear abolition.
   
Even if Japan wants to strictly abide by the principle of not allowing weapons into its territory, it has no means of making sure this is being adhered to as the United States maintains a policy of ‘‘neither confirming nor denying’’ the presence of nuclear weapons in any other country.
   
But Kawasaki said there was still significance in renewing and enhancing Japan’s pledges. ‘‘We should be aware that other countries have often seen Japan as a nation that has actually clung onto nuclear weapons. I have felt strongly that such an image has undermined Japan’s activities in pursuit of the abolition of nuclear weapons.’’
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #7 on: March 20, 2010, 08:26:51 AM »
Nuke pact files may have been chucked
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20100320a1.html
Saturday, March 20, 2010

Ex-key diplomat testifies about missing documents
By MASAMI ITO
Staff writer

A former senior Foreign Ministry official testified Friday in the Diet that key documents related to the secret nuclear pacts between Japan and the U.S. that he had filed were missing, and suggested they were deliberately destroyed.

Kazuhiko Togo, a former Foreign Ministry Treaties Bureau chief, and three others were called to give unsworn testimony before the Diet.

This is the first time witnesses have been called to testify about the nuclear deals, which the government routinely denied existed until the Democratic Party of Japan last year ousted the long-ruling Liberal Democratic Party and the new administration ordered a probe into the pacts.

The testimony follows a recent report compiled by a government panel that determined that three out of four alleged secret accords indeed existed, including one allowing port calls by U.S. ships carrying nuclear weapons without prior consultation, in violation of Japan's official nonnuclear principles.

While Togo was head of the bureau between 1998 and 1999, he said he had filed 58 documents and specially marked 16 as important. But out of the 16, half were not found, including a record of a meeting between Japanese and U.S. officials during which the U.S. explained its policy of not confirming the whereabouts of its nuclear arms.

"I have heard from a person who was thought to have been very familiar with the internal situation at the Foreign Ministry that some related documents were discarded before the information disclosure law took effect" in 2001, Togo told the Lower House Committee on Foreign Affairs. He didn't identify the source.

Since the end of World War II, there has been strong antinuclear sentiment in Japan.

In 1967, then Prime Minister Eisaku Sato announced Japan's three nonnuclear principles — not to possess, produce or allow the entry of nuclear weapons.

But the government panel indicated nuclear arms were likely brought into Japan in the past despite those principles, for which Sato was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1974.

Togo said Friday that while he headed the Treaties Bureau, he was of the belief that atomic weapons were brought into Japan before 1991, when then-U.S. President George H.W. Bush announced tactical nuclear arms would be removed from U.S. warships.

But Togo declined comment on whether this view was commonly shared at the ministry.

"Japan had been caught in a bind — because of public sentiment, it could not accept such arms entering Japan, but it also needed to maintain the relationship with the U.S. over security," Togo said.

The U.S. and Japan "agreed to avoid pursuing the issue (of whether nuclear arms were brought into Japan) too far, and, as a result, Japan's security was guaranteed."

The three other witnesses were former Vice Foreign Minister Kunihiko Saito, former Lower House member Hajime Morita and former Mainichi Shimbun reporter Takichi Nishiyama, who was convicted of violating the public servant law by obtaining a confidential document from a ministry worker.

The document revealed a secret accord between Tokyo and Washington in 1972, under which Japan agreed to shoulder $4 million in costs related to the reversion of land plots to their owners in Okinawa.

Saito testified that he believed there was a "difference in understanding" between the U.S. and Japan over the introduction of nuclear weapons into Japan, but said the Foreign Ministry did not disclose the secret pacts to avoid damaging bilateral relations.

"It would not be good if by chance, (the disclosure) were to have a negative influence on the Japanese government or diplomacy," Saito said. "To put it in simple terms, I think we were too careful over the decision (to not disclose the pacts)."

Morita served as secretary to the late Prime Minister Masayoshi Ohira, who was involved in the secret nuclear pact. He said Ohira had been worried about the secret nuclear pact problem.

Nishiyama who has filed several lawsuits against the government to clear his name.
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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #8 on: March 20, 2010, 08:41:14 AM »
Instability in 1960s made secret pacts with U.S. necessary: expert
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20100320a5.html
Saturday, March 20, 2010
By SEANA K. MAGEE
Kyodo News

NEW YORK — The tacit agreements between Japan and the United States concerning U.S. nuclear-armed vessels visiting Japanese ports were necessary in the 1960s due to the unstable political climate at the time, according to a leading American expert on Japan.

"Probably in that environment any agreement by the Japanese government to allow nuclear weapons to enter ports — any public agreement — would have caused even more demonstrations and uprising," George Packard, president of the U.S.-Japan Foundation, said in a recent interview at his New York office.

Packard has had a wide-ranging career in academia, government service, journalism and as a writer.

Packard spoke about the politically charged atmosphere and protests in Japan leading up to the signing of the revised Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and afterward.

The treaty was signed on Jan. 19, 1960, by Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi and U.S. Secretary of State Christian Herter.

It committed the United States to defending Japan if it came under attack and provided bases and ports for U.S. armed forces in Japan.

Kishi resigned the day the treaty was ratified on June 23, 1960. A state visit by President Dwight D. Eisenhower timed to coincide with the ratification was canceled due to unrest in Japan over the issue.

"I would agree with Edwin Reischauer and his view was that they (the secret agreements) were probably necessary in 1960, given the heated political atmosphere in Tokyo," Packard said.

Edwin O. Reischauer, whom Packard served as an aide, was U.S. ambassador to Japan from 1961 to 1966. Because of that volatility, Packard said Kishi had little choice but to go along because the "nuclear umbrella required nuclear weapons, but the political situation would not have permitted an open treaty."

The former diplomat said that as demonstrations died down and stability returned as early as 1963, Reischauer believed it was "time to put the cards on the table" and inform the public in the U.S. and Japan about the agreements.

However, the U.S. State Department and Japanese government were against the idea.

This led to a meeting between Reischauer and Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira in April 1963.

It was then that the U.S. government informed its Japanese counterpart it did not believe it had to consult with Tokyo over port calls by nuclear-armed ships.

The tacit agreements, which contradicted Japan's official nonnuclear policies, became the subject of intense media scrutiny in Japan recently, after a Foreign Ministry panel announced the result of its investigation into the government's decades-long denial of the secret deals.

After half a century, times have changed, Packard said.

"The climate now is totally different and I think the Japanese public accepts the idea that nuclear weapons are part of the American defensive posture, which helps to protect Japan," he said, adding it is a "matter of common sense."

Packard also weighed in on the challenge facing Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama and President Barack Obama as Tokyo considers how to hold its position under the nuclear umbrella while also reducing the U.S. forces presence in Japan.

He said it is natural that Hatoyama wants to reduce the U.S. military footprint, following the examples of Germany, South Korea and the Philippines.

He expressed confidence the two leaders will work out a deal after "friendly" negotiations.

On the Japanese side, Tokyo could gain a bargaining chip if it decides it can exercise the right to collective self-defense.

While the government has said it has that right, the Cabinet has so far rejected its use.

Packard said a formal endorsement of collective self-defense "does not commit Japan to do anything in advance," but allows for a "case by case look at any contingency that might arise."

Hatoyama has pledged to uphold Japan's three nonnuclear principles of not possessing, producing or allowing nuclear weapons on Japanese territory.
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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #9 on: April 14, 2010, 05:53:13 AM »
Hatoyama reiterates Futenma vow while dining with Obama
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20100414a1.html
Wednesday, April 14, 2010

WASHINGTON (Kyodo) Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama said he told U.S. President Barack Obama on Monday that the question of where to relocate the Futenma military base will be concluded by the end of May.

Hatoyama, speaking to reporters after informal talks with Obama during a working dinner for the two-day Nuclear Security Summit, said he asked for acknowledgment of the need to ease the base-hosting burden on Okinawa residents.

"I told him that the Japan-U.S. alliance is extremely important and that we are in the process of making efforts toward resolving the Futenma relocation issue," Hatoyama said. "I said that we will settle it by the end of May."

He said he told Obama that alleviating the burden on the residents of the prefecture, where U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma sits in the middle of the city of Ginowan, is "necessary to help develop the Japan-U.S. relationship."

Hatoyama said he also asked Obama to lend his support to ongoing negotiations between Foreign Minister Katsuya Okada and John Roos, the U.S. ambassador to Japan.

Hatoyama, who has been seeking alternatives to the existing relocation plan for the U.S. base, said he did not mention by name any prospective sites. He firmly refused to reveal what Obama said during their chat, which lasted about 10 minutes while the two were seated next to each other at the dinner.

"Since we were seated next to each other, we were able to have a quality conversation alone for 10 minutes," Hatoyama said.

Asked if the conclusion by the end of May means Tokyo and Washington will have sealed an agreement on Futenma, Hatoyama said a conclusion can't be reached without contact with the United States.

A National Security Council spokesman said the two leaders reaffirmed their commitment to further strengthen the alliance as this year marks the 50th anniversary of the revised bilateral security treaty.

The base dispute involves a 2006 bilateral deal agreed on by a Liberal Democratic Party-led administration to relocate the Futenma airfield to a less-crowded area on Okinawa Island.

The Hatoyama government is now focusing on a plan to transfer the Futenma helicopter operations to Tokunoshima Island in Kagoshima Prefecture, about 200 km north of Okinawa Island, among other plans.

In their meeting, Hatoyama also said he shares the U.S. concern over Iran's perceived attempts to develop nuclear weapons, according to a Japanese official.

While emphasizing the importance of solving the matter through dialogue, Hatoyama suggested the international community adopt additional measures against Iran if Tehran fails to cooperate fully with the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Hatoyama agreed to monitor the issue in close coordination with Obama, according to the official. Japan this month assumes the chair of the U.N. Security Council.
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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #10 on: June 26, 2010, 02:59:26 AM »
Saturday, June 26, 2010
Kishi 'understood' secret nuke pact, '63 letter indicates
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20100626a2.html
Kyodo News

When negotiating the revised Japan-U.S. security treaty in 1960, then Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi and Foreign Minister Aiichiro Fujiyama knew that a diplomatic record on allowing U.S. nuclear-armed vessels to enter Japanese ports without prior consultation constituted a secret pact, a newly found U.S. document showed Friday.

Akira Kurosaki, associate professor of international politics at Fukushima University, found the document, a confidential letter, at the U.S. National Archives.

The letter pertains to the Confidential Record of Discussion forged by Fujiyama and the U.S. side. The record had a clause reflecting the U.S. preference for excluding transits and port calls by U.S. vessels carrying nuclear weapons from requiring prior consultation under the security treaty.

The newly found letter — exchanged between U.S. officials in Tokyo and Washington in 1963 — states Kishi and Fujiyama "clearly understood" the meaning of the record. This runs counter to a report released in March by a panel commissioned by the Foreign Ministry, in which the panel stopped short of calling the Confidential Record of Discussion direct evidence of a secret pact.

The panel concluded that, at the time of revising the security treaty, Japan and the United States "intentionally" avoided pursuing whether the entry of U.S. vessels into Japanese ports would be subject to prior consultation in order to not disrupt the alliance.

This tacit "secret pact in a broad sense" became fixed in 1963 after then U.S. Ambassador to Japan Edwin O. Reischauer told Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ohira that Washington did not feel port calls required prior consultation.

But in the newfound letter, dated March 15, 1963, Earle Richey, first secretary of the U.S. Embassy in Tokyo, told Robert Fearey, officer in charge of Japanese affairs at the U.S. State Department's Office of East Asian Affairs, that "the meaning of paragraph 2c. of the Confidential Record of Discussion was clearly understood by Kishi and Fujiyama at the time of the Treaty negotiations," quoting Fearey's statement in another letter dated Feb. 12, 1962. This apparently runs counter to what the panel concluded.

Paragraph 2c. stipulated that existing procedures concerning transits and port calls by U.S. vessels and aircraft — in place before the treaty revision — would be excluded from prior consultation requirements. Washington's view from the beginning was that U.S. vessels carrying atomic weapons met the exclusion requirements.

The letter the professor found indicates Kishi and Fujiyama accepted this interpretation.

Richey further wrote to Fearey, who was deeply involved in the treaty revision, that the embassy went over files on the treaty negotiations but was unable to locate any record regarding bilateral consultations on the matter.

The diplomat went on to conclude that "any discussions held with the GOJ (Government of Japan) were strictly between (U.S. Ambassador to Japan Douglas) MacArthur and Kishi and Fujiyama and that no record was ever made of it" because the matter concerning nuclear weapons aboard U.S. 7th Fleet vessels and aircraft was "politically delicate" at the time.

Wednesday marked the 50th anniversary of the ratification of the revised security treaty, which committed the U.S. to defending Japan.

Kishi resigned the same day the treaty was ratified, on June 23, 1960.
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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #11 on: July 28, 2010, 07:47:21 PM »
Nuclear Noh Drama
Tokyo, Washington and the Case of the Missing Nuclear Agreements
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nukevault/ebb291/index.htm

President Richard M. Nixon and Japanese Prime Minister Eisaku Sato meeting at the Western White House in San Clemente, California in January 1972. Nixon and Sato worked out the final details of the Okinawa reversion agreement during these meetings.

[Source: Collection RN-WHPO: White House Photo Office Collection (Nixon Administration), 01/20/1969 - 08/09/1974; Richard Nixon Library - College Park, College Park, MD]

Posted - October 13, 2009

Edited by Dr. Robert A. Wampler
wampler@gwu.edu

Washington, D.C., October 13, 2009 - The election of the new Democratic Party government in Japan led by Yukio Hatoyama raises a significant challenge for the Obama administration: the status of secret agreements on nuclear weapons that Tokyo and Washington negotiated in 1960 and 1969.  For years, the  ruling Liberal Democratic Party claimed that there were no such  agreements, denying, for example, allegations that they had allowed U.S. nuclear-armed ships to sail into Japanese ports.  Nevertheless, declassified U.S. government documents, interviews with former U.S. Ambassador Edwin O. Reischauer, and memoirs by Japanese diplomats confirm the existence of the secret understandings.  The basic facts about the agreements have been the subject of long-standing controversy in Japan, where a post-Hiroshima anti-nuclear tradition was at odds with secret understandings crafted to support the operational requirements of America's Cold War nuclear deterrent. The Liberal Democrats might have faced a political disaster if they had acknowledged, as appears to be the case, that the U.S. Navy's nuclear-armed ships had free access to Japanese waters.
 
Seeking to settle the matter, the new Democratic Party government has launched an internal investigation into the agreements and their negotiating history. To aid this investigation, the National Security Archive today posted on the Web the most important U.S. declassified documents on the issue. Nevertheless, Japan is not likely to act unilaterally to declassify the 1960 and 1969 nuclear agreements. The Obama administration should not only assist Japan so that early declassification of the agreements is possible, but also declassify the remaining still-secret U.S. documents, allowing an old controversy can be settled.

The two secret agreements were negotiated during the Cold War, when the United States Navy routinely transited Pacific waters with nuclear weapons onboard and the possibility of a U.S.-Soviet nuclear war was a matter of routine military planning. One of the agreements was actually a record of discussion that established an agreed and carefully defined interpretation of U.S. commitments regarding nuclear weapons, negotiated in 1960, that allowed transit of nuclear weapons through Japanese territory and waters, relegating the consultation requirement to the introduction and basing of nuclear weapons in Japan. The other was part of the 1969 agreement reverting Okinawa to Japan:  U.S. nuclear weapons on Okinawa would be withdrawn but re-introduction would be possible in an emergency.  Even after the end of the Cold War, which brought the worldwide withdrawal of all U.S. theater nuclear weapons, the U.S. government deferred to the Liberal Democrats on the need to keep the agreements secret, but that need is clearly now moot. Declassification is possible and necessary because determining what Tokyo and Washington actually negotiated is a question of significant historical importance and a key missing piece in the nuclear history of the Cold War.

...
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Special Reports: A nuclear armed Japan may be around the corner
« Reply #12 on: October 10, 2010, 04:37:51 PM »
Special Reports: A nuclear armed Japan may be around the corner http://onlinejournal.com/artman/publish/printer_6429.shtml
By Wayne Madsen
Online Journal Contributing Writer
Oct 8, 2010, 00:16

(WMR) -- Frayed relations with China and Russia, the ever-present threat posed by North Korea’s nuclear weapons, and a re-examination of the 1960 U.S.-Japan security treaty, formally known as the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan, has some in the Japanese government and military considering what would have been unthinkable just a few years ago, Japan entering the club of nations possessing nuclear weapons.

Since Japan was the only nation to have suffered from the wartime use of nuclear weapons -- the dropping of U.S. atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, in August 1945, there is a strong anti-nuclear feeling among the Japanese people. But it noteworthy that Japan had two nascent programs to build an atomic bomb during World War II -- the Army’s Ni-Go project and the Navy’s F-Go program. In the 1960s, the Lyndon Johnson administration pressured the Eisaku Sato government to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty amid fears that Sato was pushing for a Japanese nuclear weapons capability to counter that of China.

The security treaty provided for the United States to come to the aid of Japan to defend against an armed attack on those territories under Japanese administration. However, WMR has learned from informed Japanese sources that a classified annex to the treaty does not provide for the United States to commit to the defense of two disputed territories: the Senkaku islands, which are claimed by China (which calls them the Diaoyu Islands) and have been the basis for recent naval incidents between Japan and China, and four islands in the southern Kuril Islands chain that were occupied by the Soviet Union in the final days of World War II and which are still occupied by Russia.

The Senkakus were occupied by the United States when its military occupied Okinawa in World War II but a secret annex to the U.S.-Japanese treaty excludes the islands from the U.S. defense umbrella for Japan, according to Japanese sources. Similarly, the annex does not recognize Japanese sovereignty over the southern Kuril islands of Habomai, Shikotan, Etorofu and Kunashir. Another secret protocol to the U.S.-Japanese treaty permitted to United States to station nuclear weapons on Japanese soil.

With the U.S. increasingly seen by Japanese military and foreign policy policy-makers as an overextended and failing superpower, some elements in the Japanese government and think tanks feel that the only way Japan can be self-assured over its defense is for the country to amend its constitution and laws to allow for the introduction of nuclear weapons for the Japanese Self-Defense Force.

The recent demotion of Japan below China to a number three world economic power ranking also has some Japanese convinced that Japan must look beyond its security alliance with the United States and provide for its own defense, which in today’s geo-political climate necessitates the acquisition of nuclear weapons.

WMR has learned from Japanese sources that when a green light is given by the government, it will take only three months for Japan to develop and deploy nuclear warheads for its military forces. Japan maintains an independent uranium enrichment capability and is able to use its own rocket technology to develop an intercontinental ballistic missile delivery system. There is some speculation that since Japan already possesses nuclear weapons designs details, it merely has to jump to production in order to field weapons. Japan is already the world’s third largest nuclear power producer after the United States and France, both of which are nuclear weaponry powers.

The recent skirmish between Japanese Coast Guard vessels and a Chinese fishing boat in disputed Senkaku waters and a firm Russian rejection of negotiations with Japan over the future of the disputed southern Kurils as a “dead end,” has renewed interest by Tokyo in a more independent Japanese military policy, one that sees the possession of an independent Japanese nuclear force as a definite option. Adding to Japanese frustration is the refusal of the United States to vacate its unpopular military presence on Okinawa, a factor that helped bring down the government of the former prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama.

In 1968, Sato’s government redefined its peaceful nuclear power policy and commitment to non-proliferation by amending it to give it the option of pursuing nuclear weapons if the U.S. nuclear umbrella was ever seen as unreliable. With the revelation that the United States has excluded the Senkakus and southern Kurils from what it considers to be Japanese territory, the Sato clause is now being seriously considered. In 1994, Foreign Minister Yohei Kono revealed the existence of a secret 1969 Japanese Foreign Ministry document that urged Japan to maintain the capability to develop nuclear weapons.

In 2005, Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Aso reportedly told Vice President Dick Cheney in Washington that “India, Pakistan, and the DPRK all have nuclear weapons. If the DPRK continues to develop nuclear weapons, Japan must also arm itself with nuclear weapons.” In 2008, Aso became Prime Minister of Japan. In 2006, former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone floated the notion of Japan acquiring its own nuclear weapons.

Because China has always insisted Japan must not develop nuclear weapons, there is a powerful faction in Japan’s military and political establishment that wants to do exactly what China opposes as a way of throwing down a gauntlet to Beijing’s wider aspirations in Asia.

The word from Tokyo is that it is no longer a question whether Japan will develop a nuclear weapons capability, but when. And “when” would now appear to be very close.

If Japan opts to leave the NPT regime and obtain nuclear weapons there will be a domino effect in Asia. It is well known that while the world was concentrating on North Korea’s nuclear weapons program, South Korea quietly embarked on its own secret nuclear weapons acquisition program. In 2004, it was revealed that Seoul had maintained a secret uranium enrichment production program at South Korean research facilities since the early 1980s and that the program involved enriching uranium and producing plutonium. Canada investigated charges that one of its Candu nuclear reactors it sold to South Korea was involved in the clandestine program.

It is also believed that Taiwan acquired nuclear weapons as the result of a secret alliance between apartheid South Africa, Israel, and Taiwan. South Africa gave up its nuclear weapons when it achieved majority black rule in 1994. There are also reports of secret Israeli involvement with North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. Burma is also suspected of maintaining a clandestine nuclear weapons acquisition program.
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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #13 on: October 16, 2010, 05:19:12 PM »
Japan submits U.N. resolution to abolish nukes
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20101016a4.html
The Japan Times: Saturday, Oct. 16, 2010

NEW YORK (Kyodo) Japan submitted a draft resolution Thursday calling for the elimination of nuclear weapons to a disarmament committee of the ongoing U.N. General Assembly, Japanese diplomats said.

While it is the 17th straight year that Japan has submitted such a resolution to the United Nations, this year's draft is "much more comprehensive with calls for united action," said Akio Suda, Japanese ambassador to the Conference on Disarmament, at a news conference after the document's submission.

Including the United States, more than 50 countries, a new record, joined in the initiative as cosponsors of the resolution, compared with 42 last year, according to Suda.

The resolution is expected to be put to a vote before the committee between Oct. 26 and Nov. 1. Japan is aiming to garner more support than last year's record 170 countries, U.N. diplomatic sources said.

Following the successful conclusion of a U.N. conference reviewing the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty in May, Japan has rewritten the content of the resolution this year, using new and stronger wording, Suda said.

Specifically, the draft "reaffirms the unequivocal undertaking by the nuclear-weapon states to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals leading to nuclear disarmament."

It also "calls upon nuclear-weapon states to undertake further efforts to reduce and ultimately eliminate all types of nuclear weapons, deployed and nondeployed, including through unilateral, bilateral, regional and multilateral measures."

...

The draft also calls upon nuclear-weapon states to "promptly engage with a view to further diminishing the role and significance of nuclear weapons in all military and security concepts, doctrines and policies."

It says North Korea "cannot have the status of a nuclear-weapon state" under the NPT "under any circumstances."

In 2009, a Japan-proposed nuclear disarmament resolution was adopted at the assembly's Disarmament and International Security Committee, with the United States supporting it for the first time in nine years.

The Japan Times: Saturday, Oct. 16, 2010
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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #14 on: June 26, 2011, 03:32:22 PM »
Thursday, Aug. 3, 2000
Japan, U.S. agreed in secret to keep nuclear arms on Ogasawara Islands
http://search.japantimes.co.jp/cgi-bin/nn20000803b1.html

WASHINGTON (Kyodo) When the Ogasawara Islands were returned to Japanese rule in 1968, Tokyo and Washington secretly agreed that Japan would tacitly approve the storage of nuclear weapons on the islands by the U.S. military in the event of an emergency, two declassified U.S. government documents revealed Tuesday.

...

The memorandum also referred to Washington's moves to let Japan allow atomic weapons to be stored in Okinawa during crises after the prefecture was handed back to Japan in 1972, in line with the secret accord struck over the Ogasawara Islands, as it said a proposed scenario on Okinawa is "similar to what was worked out for the Bonins."

Okinawa was returned to Japan in 1972. It has been revealed that Japan and the U.S. secretly agreed on the introduction of nuclear weapons in Okinawa in case of grave emergencies.

In 1971, the Diet passed a resolution on three nonnuclear principles -- of not producing, possessing or allowing atomic weapons to enter Japan -- which also banned weapons being stored anywhere in Japan, even in the event of an emergency
.
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Re: Slowly, secret U.S. nuke deals come to light [Okinawa, Japan]
« Reply #15 on: June 26, 2011, 03:36:12 PM »
Ogasawara Islands named World Natural Heritage site
www.yomiuri.co.jp/dy/national/T110625002772.htm
Saki Ouchi / Yomiuri Shimbun Correspondent
(Jun. 26, 2011)

PARIS--The Ogasawara Islands, a group of islands dubbed the "Galapagos of the Orient" for their unique wildlife, have been added to UNESCO's list of World Natural Heritage sites, becoming the nation's fourth site to receive the designation.

...

The islands, which include Chichijima and Hahajima islands, are regarded as the only place in the world where geological features visible from the ground show how an archipelago is formed when oceanic plates bump against each other.

In January 2010, the government recommended the Ogasawara Islands as World Heritage sites to UNESCO's World Heritage Committee. The IUCN inspected the islands in July that year and submitted in May an evaluation to UNESCO that said the islands deserved to be registered.

The islands were occupied by the United States after World War II and returned to Japan in 1968. About 2,500 people live on the islands, which can be reached by a 25-1/2-hour ferry ride from Tokyo.

The three other UNESCO-registered World Natural Heritage sites in Japan are the Shirakami Sanchi mountains in Aomori and Akita prefectures, Yakushima island in Kagoshima Prefecture and Shiretoko in Hokkaido.

Meanwhile, the Hiraizumi area in Iwate Prefecture is expected to be officially registered as a World Cultural Heritage site as early as Saturday.
When we give up learning we have no more troubles. Lao Tzu

Sai On http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sai_On

Sai On: Okinawa's Sage Reformer www.amazon.com/Saion-Okinawas-sage-reformer-introduction/dp/B0006CKRU0

Unspeakable Things www.personal.psu.edu/gjs4