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Author Topic: Bush lawyers who approved torture likely to escape prosecution: Says Bush Report  (Read 564 times)
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« on: May 06, 2009, 05:14:05 AM »

Report: Bush lawyers unlikely to face charges for approving harsh techniques
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/05/torture-memos-bush-administration-lawyers
guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 6 May 2009 00.23 BST

The Bush administration lawyers who approved the use of waterboarding and other brutal interrogation techniques are likely to escape criminal prosecution, according to a US justice department draft report. [According to a bullshit report that was created by one of the torture lawyers. This report was prepared by the Bush Administration and was controlled by Steven Bradbury-a lawyer who committed blatant treason against the US and is obviously guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. This is a joke and the media is going with it for the conditioning. "Lawyers who wrote the torture memos have not done anything to warrant a prosecution says an official 4-year 220 page report from the justice department." They do not say who wrote the report and what the obvious conflict of interest is.  It would be like Hitler writing a report saying that he is innocent of all charges against him.]

The lawyers, at worst, face being referred to their bar associations for possible disciplinary action. This could result in a reprimand or even disbarment, ending any further legal career on the part of once high-flying government lawyers.

The justice department has been conducting an inquiry into the role of the lawyers who wrote the now infamous memos giving the go-ahead for the CIA to use waterboarding, which simulates drowning, and other techniques such as slamming detainees against false walls and prolonged sleep deprivation.

Waterboarding, which Obama calls torture but which Bush administration claim is not, was used against suspected al-Qaida members.

The justice department inquiry is now close to completion. This emerged yesterday when the department wrote to a Congressional committee informing them that a deadline for comment on the draft report had passed on Sunday.

The draft report of the inquiry was completed in December but publication was delayed to give those involved a chance to respond.

The release of the Bush administration torture memos by Obama last month opened an intense debate in Washington and the country at large. Bush administration politicians and officials objected to the release of the memos, as did the CIA. Human rights groups called for punishment of those involved.

Obama appeared torn, at one point opening the door to prosecution of the lawyers and then apparently retreating for fear of becoming bogged down in a prolonged row. He passed on responsibility, saying it was a matter for the justice department inquiry, not the president.

Officials who claim to have seen the draft conclusions of the inquiry told the US media that though the lawyers may have been guilty of serious lapses of judgement, they should not face criminal prosecution.

The 220-page report focuses on three lawyers who worked in the justice department's office of legal counsel during the Bush administration: John Yoo, Jay Bybee and Steven Bradbury.

Bybee is a judge, Yoo is a professor at the University of California-Berkeley and Bradbury returned to private practice when Bush left office.

Former US attorney Roscoe Howard, speaking to National Public Radio on the likelihood they will not face criminal prosecution, suggested it was hard to put a criminal case together: "You'd have to have some sort of information that those three guys understood that the memo was in itself just garbage. I'd be looking for something that shows they understood what they wrote was just unsupportable, but they decided they were going to write it anyway."

The conclusions of the inquiry, which could be made public before the end of the month, provide details of how the torture memos came to be written, including the email exchanges of the lawyers involved, Bush officials at the White House and the CIA.

Obama administration officials, who have banned waterboarding and other techniques, have said several times they are reluctant to re-open issues that happened in the past, preferring to keep the focus on its hefty domestic and foreign policy agenda.

But human rights groups say that the techniques approved for use by the CIA were contrary to US law. Techniques such as waterboarding had been condemned by the US when used by North Korea against captured US soldiers in the 1950s.

The former vice-president, Dick Cheney, criticised Obama for releasing the memos and claimed that other still secret memos would show that the techniques helped secure valuable intelligence that save US lives.

But Obama, at a press conference last week, said he had seen the memos referred to by Cheney and there was nothing to suggest that he information could not have been obtained by methods other than the harsh techniques used by the CIA.
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« Reply #1 on: May 06, 2009, 05:17:55 AM »

Durbin, Whitehouse Seek Additional Information Regarding Justice Department Investigation of Torture Authorizations
http://durbin.senate.gov/showRelease.cfm?releaseId=310867
Tuesday, March 31, 2009


[WASHINGTON, D.C.] – Assistant Senate Majority Leader Dick Durbin (D-IL) and Senator Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI) sent a letter today to the Justice Department, inquiring about an internal investigation of attorneys who provided legal advice regarding waterboarding and other abusive interrogation techniques.

Today’s letter is in response to revelations that former Justice Department officials Jay Bybee, John Yoo, and Steven Bradbury, the targets of the internal investigation, were given the opportunity to review and comment on the investigators’ findings, and that the investigators may alter their findings in response to these comments, which seems to be a sharp break from the Justice Department’s normal practice.  The new revelations were contained in a letter from the Justice Department that Durbin and Whitehouse also released today.

“Your letter confirms that the Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) investigation was completed before the end of the Bush Administration, and that then Attorney General Michael Mukasey provided OPR’s draft report to the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC).

“While OPR often notifies an attorney of the allegations against her and the conclusion of the investigation, and provides the report on its findings and conclusions to the attorney’s component head, it appears that it is a departure from normal OPR practice to provide an opportunity for the attorney to review and comment on the report.

“We are concerned that the Attorney General and the Deputy Attorney General, and ultimately Congress, will review a report that has undergone significant revisions at the behest of the subjects of the investigation without the benefit of reviewing OPR’s initial draft report,” wrote Durbin and Whitehouse in a letter to Acting Assistant Attorney General M. Faith Burton.

Last month, Durbin and Whitehouse wrote to the Office of Professional Responsibility asking for an update on the status of the investigation. The investigation, requested by Durbin and Whitehouse over a year ago, was completed before the end of the Bush Administration, but then Attorney General Michael Mukasey objected to its release.

Durbin and Whitehouse, members of the Senate Judiciary Committee, have both expressed deep concern about the use of waterboarding and other abusive interrogation techniques. They have repeatedly questioned the legality of the procedures and circumstances in which they were authorized.
 
A copy of the letter to Ms. Burton appears below:



March 31, 2009
 
 
M. Faith Burton
Acting Assistant Attorney General
Office of Legislative Affairs
U.S. Department of Justice
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, Room 3266
Washington, D.C.  20530
 
Dear Ms. Burton:

Thank you for your letter, dated March 25, 2009, responding to our inquiry regarding the status of the Office of Professional Responsibility’s (OPR) investigation of Justice Department attorneys who provided legal advice regarding waterboarding and other abusive interrogation techniques.  We would appreciate your response to the additional questions posed below.

Your letter confirms that the OPR investigation was completed before the end of the Bush Administration, and that then Attorney General Michael Mukasey provided OPR’s draft report to the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC).  According to your letter, Attorney General Mukasey, then Deputy Attorney General Mark Filip and OLC provided comments and OPR “revised the draft report to the extent it deemed appropriate based on those comments.”

Your letter does not indicate whether Steven Bradbury was recused from reviewing and providing comments on the draft report.  Mr. Bradbury, who was then the Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General of OLC, is reportedly a subject of the OPR investigation. As such, it would appear to be a conflict of interest for Mr. Bradbury to review and comment on the OPR report.  We note that on January 15, 2009, Mr. Bradbury issued a “Memorandum for the Files” criticizing OLC opinions issued in 2001-2003.  He wrote that the January 15th memorandum and a previous memorandum were not “intended to suggest in any way that the attorneys involved in the preparation of the opinions in question did not satisfy all applicable standards of professional responsibility.”  If Mr. Bradbury did review the OPR report, this could have improperly influenced the opinions he expressed on OLC’s behalf in the January 15th memorandum, particularly his decision to emphasize that the authors of discredited OLC opinions on detainee issues had not necessarily violated their professional responsibilities.

According to your letter, Attorney General Mukasey and Deputy Attorney General Filip asked OPR to allow former Justice Department officials who were subjects of the investigation to review and comment on the report prior to any disclosure of its results to Congress or the public.  According to media reports, these officials are former Office of Legal Counsel head Jay Bybee and former OLC official John Yoo.  According to “OPR Process,” posted at http://www.usdoj.gov/opr/proc-hdl.htm:
In many cases, OPR notifies the attorney against whom the allegation has been made and requests a written response. OPR may also conduct on-site investigations. Based on the results of the investigation, OPR prepares a report to the component head concerned with a copy to the Office of the Deputy Attorney General setting forth its findings and conclusions, and advises the complainant and the attorney involved of the conclusion reached.

Accordingly, while OPR often notifies an attorney of the allegations against her and the conclusion of the investigation, and provides the report on its findings and conclusions to the attorney’s component head, it appears that it is a departure from normal OPR practice to provide the report to the attorney.

Your letter states that OPR is “now in the process of sharing the revised draft report” with former Justice Department attorneys who are the subjects of the investigation.  The letter does not indicate when this process will be completed or whether the attorneys have been given a deadline for responding.

Your letter indicates that OPR will provide a final report to the Attorney General and the Deputy Attorney General for their review.  We are concerned that the Attorney General and the Deputy Attorney General, and ultimately Congress, will review a report that has undergone significant revisions at the behest of the subjects of the investigation without the benefit of reviewing OPR’s initial draft report.

Please respond to the following questions:
Was Steven Bradbury involved in reviewing and commenting on the draft OPR report? 
Is there any precedent for allowing the subject of an OPR investigation to review and provide comments on a draft report on OPR’s findings and conclusions?
Have the former Justice Department attorneys who are the subjects of the investigation been given a deadline for responding?
Have counsel or other officials from other Executiv Branch agencies or the White House been given an opportunity to review the draft OPR report? If so, is this a departure from normal practice?
Will OPR provide Attorney General Holder and Deputy Attorney General Ogden with the draft report that it provided to Attorney General Mukasey so that Attorney General Holder and Deputy Attorney General Ogden will know what revisions have been made to the report?


Thank you for your time and consideration.

Sincerely,

Dick Durbin and Sheldon Whitehouse
U.S. Senators
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« Reply #2 on: May 06, 2009, 05:18:31 AM »

Turley: We Need A Special Torture Prosecutor, Not Some Lame Commission
http://tpmmuckraker.talkingpointsmemo.com/2009/04/turley_we_need_a_special_torture_prosecutor_not_so.php
By Zachary Roth - April 22, 2009, 10:02AM

Jonathan Turley, the media-friendly George Washington Law School professor, who's an outspoken advocate of curbing executive power, gave a bravura performance on MSNBC's Countdown last night, on the subject of possible torture prosecutions.

Arguing that investigations aren't just necessary but long overdue, Turley made two important points that have been getting a bit lost in the rapid-fire debate lately.

First, he said, there's a huge difference between an investigation conducted by Congress or a bipartisan commission, on the one hand, and the appointment of a special prosecutor by the Justice Department, on the other. The former approach is likely to repeat the mistakes of the 9/11 Commission, in which Washington insiders largely ensured that there were no major political repercussions. Only the latter approach, he said, will ensure genuine accountability.

Second, Turley lamented the way that the Washington debate has lately centered on the issue of whether the DOJ lawyers who wrote the memos -- John Yoo, Steven Bradbury, and Jay Bybee, among others -- will face prosecution. But a full investigation, of course, should focus on those who ordered the polices -- including, if necessary, Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Tenet, and others -- not just the lawyers who produced the legal rationale for it.

Of course, Turley's advice will almost certainly not be followed. But it's worth keeping his views in mind as a baseline of what, in an ideal world, should be happening.
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« Reply #3 on: May 06, 2009, 05:21:01 AM »

DOJ Watchdog "Revising" Critical Report on John Yoo's Legal Work on Torture
http://themancommon.blogspot.com/2009/04/doj-watchdog-revising-critical-report.html
Wednesday, April 1, 2009


A Justice Department watchdog report that is said to be highly critical of the legal work conducted for the Bush administration by three attorneys who worked at the agency's powerful Office of Legal Counsel, is in the process of being revised after the agency received responses on the report's conclusions from the attorneys under scrutiny, according to a letter sent to two Democratic senators by a Justice Department's acting assistant attorney general.

The Justice Department's Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR) is apparently "watering" down some of the more critical conclusions related to legal opinions on "enhanced interrogation" policies based on responses from John Yoo, Steven Bradbury and Jay Bybee. It's now unknown, the DOJ said, when the revised version of its report would be complete.

In a March 25 letter sent to Democratic Senators Sheldon Whitehouse and Richard Durbin, the lawmakers who wrote OPR last year requesting a probe to determine whether the attorneys legal work violated "professional standards," Faith Burton, the DOJ's Acting Assistant Attorney General, confirmed that the report was completed in late December 2008, and that former Attorney General Michael Mukasey and Deputy Attorney General Mark Filip reviewed it and demanded that Bradbury, Yoo and Bybee be given an opportunity to respond.

Moreover, "Attorney General Mukasey, Deputy Attorney General Filip and OLC provided comments, and OPR revised the draft report to the extent it deemed appropriate based on those comments," Burton said. "During the course of the investigation, counsel for the former Department attorneys asked OPR for an opportunity to review and comment on the report prior to any disclosure of its results to Congress or the public."

"Attorney General Filip likewise requested that OPR provide the former Department attorneys with such an opportunity," Burton added. "For these reasons, OPR is now in the process of sharing the revised draft report with them. When the review and comment period is concluded, OPR intends to review the comments submitted and make any modifications it deems appropriate to the findings and conclusions.

"OPR will then provide a final report to the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General. After any additional review they deem appropriate, the Department will determine what disclosures should be made. Due to the complexity and classification level of the draft report, the review process described above likely will require substantial time and effort."

Burton, however, said she could not make any promises that the report would be publicly released, nor could she predict if and when Durbin and Whitehouse would get an opportunity to review the report.

"While we appreciate your request for a disclosure commitment, we can only fully evaluate the scope of appropriate disclosures once the review process is completed," Burton said. "We trust you understand that those decisions depend in part on the content and conclusions of the OPR final report and the outcome of any further Departmental review."

The OPR probe was launched in mid-2004 after a meeting in which Jack Goldsmith, then head of the OLC, got into a tense debate with then-White House counsel Alberto Gonzales about two August 2002 torture memos written by Yoo and signed by Bybee, which opened the door to abusive tactics such as waterboarding, which subjects a detainee to the sensation that he is drowning. Following the meeting with Gonzales, Goldsmith, who had rescinded two memos in 2003, resigned.

Goldsmith later described the torture memos as "legally flawed" and "sloppily written."

H. Marshall Jarrett, who heads OPR, conducted the investigation. Sources familiar with the draft version of the report said it reached "damning" conclusions about numerous cases of "misconduct" in the advice from Yoo, Bybee and Bradbury provided to the White House about interrogations and domestic surveillance.

OPR investigators determined that all three blurred the lines between an attorney charged with providing independent legal advice to the White House and a policy advocate who was working to advance the administration's goals, said the sources who spoke on condition of anonymity because the contents of the report are still classified.

One part of the OPR report criticized Yoo's use of an obscure 2000 health benefits statute to narrow the definition of torture in a way that permitted waterboarding and other acts that have historically been regarded as torture under US law, the sources said.

On Tuesday, Durbin and Whitehouse responded to Burton with a two-page letter.

The senators zeroed in on Bradbury, the former head of OLC who was the author of three May 2005 legal opinions that reinstated brutal interrogation policies Goldsmith had rescinded.

Durbin and Whitehouse asked whether Bradbury was permitted to comment on the draft report's conclusions since he was acting head of OLC, which was permitted to comment on the report's conclusions, according to Burton.

Three months before Bush exited the White House, Bradbury, in a "memorandum for the files," renounced several legal opinions drafted by Yoo and Bybee.

Bradbury attempted to justify or forgive Yoo's controversial opinion by explaining that it was "the product of an extraordinary period in the history of the Nation: the immediate aftermath of the attacks of 9/11."

Bradbury wrote another memo five days before Bush left office in January in which he once again repudiated Yoo's legal opinions. It would appear that this memo was in response to the OPR report. Bradbury said in the January 15 memo that the flawed theories by Yoo in no way should be interpreted to mean that Justice Department lawyers did not "satisfy" professional standards.

Rather, Bradbury wrote, "In the wake of the atrocities of 9/11, when policy makers, fearing that additional catastrophic terrorist attacks were imminent, strived to employ all lawful means to protect the Nation."

Durbin and Whitehouse said that Bradbury's "memorandum for the files" would make it a "conflict of interest" for him, as acting head of OLC, to respond to OPR's findings.

"Mr. Bradbury ... is reportedly a subject of the OPR investigation," the senators wrote. "As such, it would appear to be a conflict of interest for Mr. Bradbury to review and comment on the OPR report on OLC's behalf ... If Mr. Bradbury did review the OPR report, this could have improperly influenced the opinions he expressed on OLC's behalf ... Particularly his decision to emphasize that the authors of discredited OLC opinions on detainee issues had not necessarily violated their professional responsibilities."

Durbin and Whitehouse added that they are "concerned" that the final report shared with Attorney General Eric Holder, his deputy, and "ultimately Congress," will have "undergone significant revisions at the behest of the subjects of the investigation without the benefit of reviewing OPR's initial draft report."

The senators requested responses to five questions from DOJ, including whether OPR intends to share the original draft of its report with Holder in order to ascertain "what revisions have been made to the report."

Additionally, Durbin and Whitehouse said OPR's decision to share the original draft report with Yoo, Bybee and Bradbury "appears" to be a "departure from normal OPR practice to provide an opportunity for the attorney to review and comment on the report."

However, according to OPR protocol, if an investigation "involves alleged illegality, the attorney alleged to have committed misconduct is entitled to have counsel present to assist him or her.

"An attorney alleged to have engaged in misconduct is interviewed alone unless counsel is permitted to attend. At the conclusion of the interview, the attorney will be given an opportunity, subject to a confidentiality agreement, to review the transcript and to provide a supplemental written response and additional documents relevant to the investigation.

"In the interview, the attorney alleged to have committed misconduct would be asked to address each of the outstanding issues and allegations. In some cases, OPR determines that further information is needed to resolve the matter. The first step is usually to request a written response from the attorney involved in the allegation.

"If OPR determines that professional misconduct or poor judgment occurred, it prepares a report containing its findings and conclusions, and provides that report to the Deputy Attorney General as well as the appropriate Assistant Attorney General, the Director of [Executive Office of U.S. Attorneys], or other appropriate component head."

In an apparent response to criticism of the quality of his legal opinions that gave President George W. Bush virtually unchecked power, Yoo said working for the federal government gave him "very little time to make very important decisions.... You don't have the luxury to research every single thing and that's accelerated in war time."

"You really have decisions to make, which you could spend years on," Yoo told the Orange County Register in an interview published March 3. "Sometimes what we forget as private citizens, or scholars, or students or journalists for sure [he laughs], is that in hindsight, it's easier to say, 'Here's what I would have done.' But when you're in the government, at the time you make the decision, you don't have that kind of luxury."

In response to a question about the OPR investigation, Yoo said he wished "they weren't doing it."

"But I understand why they are," Yoo told the OC Register. "It is something one would expect. You have to make these kinds of decisions in an unprecedented kind of war with legal questions we've never had to think about before.

"We didn't seek out those questions. 9/11 kind of thrust them on us. No matter what you do, there's going to be a lot of people who are upset with your decision. If Bush had done nothing, there would be a lot of people upset with his decision, too.

"I understood that while we were doing it, there were going to be people who were critical. I can't go farther into it, because it's still going on right now. I'm not trying to escape responsibility for my decisions. I have to wait and see what they say."
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All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately
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« Reply #4 on: May 06, 2009, 05:22:30 AM »

Countdown: Convictions Unlikely for Bush Lawyers Who Authorized Torture
http://videocafe.crooksandliars.com/node/27924/print
Tuesday May 5, 2009 07:01 pmBy Heather


From the AP:

Bush administration lawyers who approved harsh interrogation techniques of terror suspects should not face criminal charges, Justice Department investigators say in a draft report that recommends two of the three attorneys face possible professional sanctions.

The recommendations come after an Obama administration decision last month to make public legal memos authorizing the use of harsh interrogation methods but not to prosecute CIA interrogators who followed advice outlined in the memos.

And if that weren't bad enough Jonathan Turley reports:

The Washington Post reports that Bush officials are working the halls and telephones of the Justice Department with the formal end of the internal investigation into former Justice officials involved in the Bush torture program, including Ninth Circuit Judge Jay S. Bybee, Berkeley professor John C. Yoo and Steven G. Bradbury. They are reportedly working over former colleagues to soften the language and recommendations of the department. I will be discussing this and other related stories on tonight’s Countdown.

An earlier draft report recommended disciplinary action by state bar associations against two former Justice officials — pretty light punishment for participation in a war crime. However, even that recommendation was too much for former Attorney General Michael Mukasey who delayed the report and ordered further examination. Mukasey and then-Deputy Attorney General Mark Filip wrote a 14-page letter rebutting the report of its own investigators before leaving office.

The investigation could, however, disclose new information given the five years of work by the department into the matter. The deadline for the investigation ended on Monday of this week.

Assistant Attorney General Ronald Weich has informed members of Congress that Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. and Deputy Attorney General David W. Ogden “will have access to whatever information they need to evaluate the final report and make determinations about appropriate next steps.”

The Justice Department continues to insist on total control over the investigation of its own attorneys and department in a clear conflict of interest. Not just political appointees but career attorneys were involved in the program. The department is now reviewing whether the department itself facilitated in the commission of a war crime — a finding that would be an embarrassment to the department as a whole. This is like having a hospital review its own doctors to determine if those doctors and the hospital as a whole committed criminal malpractice.

The fact that there is lobbying going on between current and former Justice Department officials shows the highly inbred aspect of this inquiry. These same former officials would not think of trying to influence a special prosecutor, who is supposed to be appointed in such conflicted circumstances. Not surprisingly, a report from the New York Times indicates that the Justice Department will use this report to conclude that its lawyers should not face criminal charges when facilitating such programs.

In this context, discussion of bar charges appears rather laughable. It is not that such action is not warranted, but rather it is treating participating in a possible war crime as something less than a misdemeanor offense.
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All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the light of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately
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